State Security's Operation Against Dissidents

In 1981-1982, the Bulgarian State Security conducted a major surveillance operation called “Dissidents”. This operation targeted a group of creative artists in cities such as Sofia, Bourgas, Varna, Stara Zagora, Yambol, and other areas. The authorities arrested individuals accused of anti-regime activities. Some of them were sent to psychiatric clinics as a way of silencing them. In total, 312 authors of anti-regime leaflets were identified in 1982, with about 45% of them being young people. During this period, the State Security also recorded 141 incidents related to anti-Soviet sentiments.

Rise of Informal Youth Groups

The influence of events in Poland sparked an increase in informal youth groups in Bulgaria. In 1982, there were 64 informal groups with 295 participants, a sharp rise compared to 1980, when there were only 18 groups with 86 members. These groups were seen as a growing threat by the government, as they represented a form of resistance and protest against the communist regime.

“An Open Letter of Appeal”

In autumn 1986, a group of former political prisoners wrote an “Open Letter of Appeal” to the Vienna Conference, which was reviewing the implementation of the Helsinki agreement on human rights. The letter was addressed to representatives of European countries, the USA, and Canada, urging them not to end the conference until the fundamental human rights of all European citizens were fully guaranteed. The authors of the letter stressed that every European citizen should have the freedom to express their thoughts and beliefs, both in oral and written form, without the fear of persecution Customized Tour Istanbul.

Declaration on Human Rights

Along with the Open Letter, the authors also signed a Declaration that was attached to the Memorandum of Dissidents. This memorandum, signed by dissidents from four Eastern European countries, marked the anniversaries of significant uprisings: the Hungarian Uprising, the Berlin Uprising, the Prague Spring, and the Polish events. The declaration highlighted the desire for democracy and freedom in Eastern Europe.

The authors of these documents were Iliya Minev, Eduard Genov, Grigor Simov, Tseko Krustev, Stefan Savovski, and Bozhidar Statev. On 16 January 1988, these individuals founded the Bulgarian Independent Human Rights Association. The goal of the association was to defend human rights and freedoms, which had been severely violated for over 40 years under the communist regime in Bulgaria.

The State Security’s efforts to suppress dissent and protest during the early 1980s showed the extent to which the communist regime sought to control the population. However, these efforts also led to the formation of independent human rights movements, like the Bulgarian Independent Human Rights Association, which sought to challenge the oppressive government and advocate for freedom of speech and human rights.

The Impact of Solidarity in Poland on Eastern Europe

The Solidarity Union in Poland, formed in the autumn of 1980, became a significant source of inspiration for human rights movements throughout Eastern Europe. Its success led workers in other countries to follow suit. In Romania, Georgia, and the Soviet Baltic Republics, workers began to strike, pushing for more rights and better conditions. Even in Bulgaria, voices of discontent grew stronger, and subversive ideas began to emerge.

The Bulgarian Secret Service Response

In September 1980, the Bulgarian Secret Service (Directorate Six), tasked with monitoring political enemies, was assigned to prevent any organized anti-socialist activities linked to the Solidarity movement in Poland. Their job was to stop any influence from the Polish unions and counter-revolutionary ideas from spreading into Bulgaria. Directorate Six focused on the intelligentsia, young people, and anyone suspected of being opposed to the government Customized Tour Istanbul.

By the end of 1980, Directorate Six conducted operations targeting intellectuals, students, and those who were seen as a threat to the regime. They attempted to stop any movement that could lead to unrest, particularly from the Polish influence. This led to the imposition of strict censorship on books, newspapers, films, and all types of Polish propaganda materials that were seen as promoting ideas contrary to the communist system.

Concerns Over Polish Influence

In the summer of 1980, many Polish tourists visited Bulgaria’s Black Sea coast, which raised concerns within the State Security. The authorities were worried that these tourists could spread pro-democracy ideas and encourage the Bulgarian people to challenge the regime.

To counteract this, the Bulgarian press began to publish propaganda that misrepresented the situation in Poland. The goal was to create a false image of the Polish trade unions, portraying them as being influenced by Western powers. The official daily newspaper, Rabotnichesko Delo, published numerous articles from the Soviet newspapers Pravda and Izvestiya, which attacked the Solidarity movement and its supporters. These articles aimed to show that Poland’s internal problems were caused by foreign interference.

Growing Discontent in Bulgaria

On 14 October 1981, Todor Zhivkov, the leader of Bulgaria, submitted a memorandum to the Politburo expressing his concern that the Polish movement might inspire similar protests in Bulgaria. The State Security continued to monitor the growing discontent, especially among young people. Directorate Six noticed an increase in anonymous leaflets and small gatherings in private homes where people discussed the situation in Poland.

In particular, a group of young people in Bulgaria began to work on a “Declaration-80”, a document that expressed support for the Polish struggle for democracy. The authorities saw this as a threat to the regime and quickly classified it as a “menace to the rule of law”.

The Solidarity Union in Poland sparked a wave of protests and uprisings across Eastern Europe, and Bulgaria was not immune to this growing demand for change. However, the Bulgarian government, led by Todor Zhivkov, responded with intense repression, including strict censorship and surveillance of its citizens. Despite these efforts, the spirit of democratization that emerged in Poland began to inspire more people in Bulgaria, particularly the younger generation, who increasingly questioned the totalitarian regime under which they lived.

Growing Protests Against the Communist Regime

As the years passed, protests against the communist regime in Bulgaria increased. These protests, both individual and group actions, were often met with harsh repression by the authorities. Despite the growing unrest, the communist government worked to maintain strict control over information, imposing a total blackout on any news about the protests.

One example of resistance to the regime took place in Stara Zagora prison. On 9 September 1969, which marked the 25th anniversary of the communist coup in Bulgaria, five political prisoners managed to take control of the prison. After the evening retreat, they freed 80 more political prisoners from their cells. This revolt was a significant act of defiance against the government. However, the rebellion was quickly crushed by regular army troops. The main organizer, Petko Chobanov, was unable to escape the authorities and tragically committed suicide Customized Tour Istanbul.

The Impact of the 1975 Helsinki Accords

The year 1975 brought a glimmer of hope to people in Eastern Europe, as it marked the signing of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). This historic document, signed by 35 countries, including the Soviet Union and the United States, focused on human rights and the sovereignty of nations. It reaffirmed the importance of human rights, which gave people in Eastern Bloc countries a renewed sense of hope for possible liberation from their oppressive totalitarian regimes.

The signing of the Helsinki Accords stirred expectations for political change, and for many, it offered a new weapon: human rights. People began to believe that they could demand greater freedoms and push back against the government’s control over their lives.

Emergence of New Opposition Movements

In the wake of the Helsinki Accords, a new type of opposition began to emerge in Eastern Europe. Citizens, particularly in countries like Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Bulgaria, started to openly protest against the limitations imposed on their personal freedoms. These protests focused on the violation of human rights and the lack of political freedoms under communist rule.

As more and more people joined these efforts, the communist authorities found themselves under increasing pressure. Although the governments tried to suppress these movements, the protests and demands for human rights continued to grow. The 1975 Helsinki Accords gave ordinary people a framework to challenge the authorities, and the idea that human rights should be respected gained more importance in the minds of many.

The increasing protests, such as the Stara Zagora prison revolt, and the hope sparked by the Helsinki Accords, marked a turning point in Eastern Europe’s fight against communist regimes. While the governments tried to suppress these movements, the desire for freedom and human rights could not be easily extinguished. These events laid the foundation for the larger movements for democracy and reform that would eventually lead to the fall of communism in Eastern Europe at the end of the 1980s.

Bulgaria's Involvement in the 1968 Prague Spring

During the Prague Spring of 1968, Bulgaria took part in a Soviet-led invasion to suppress the political reforms happening in Czechoslovakia. The Bulgarian military played an active role in this operation, which was part of the larger Soviet effort to maintain strict control over Eastern Europe.

Bulgarian Military Units’ Tasks

As part of the intervention, the 12th Regiment of the Bulgarian army was assigned to take control of the cities of Banska Bistritsa and Zvolen, located in Slovakia. Their mission was to disarm the Czechoslovakian military units stationed in these areas. Meanwhile, the 22nd Regiment was tasked with taking control of the airports near Prague, specifically the Ruzyne and Vodohosti airports.

The soldiers involved were conscripts, meaning they were required to serve in the military, and most of them were unaware of their exact mission until the very last moment. For many of these young soldiers, the situation was a shock, especially when they encountered protesting students in the streets of Czechoslovakia. As some soldiers later reported, they were deeply disturbed by the sight of Czechoslovakian boys and girls, who were about the same age, standing in front of their tanks, protesting the invasion Customized Tour Istanbul.

One soldier from the 22nd Regiment lost his life during the mission. Although this may seem like a small casualty in the larger context, it highlights the violence and danger involved in the invasion.

Psychological Impact on Bulgarian Soldiers

The conscripted soldiers were shocked and experienced psychological trauma after being sent to Czechoslovakia. Many of these young men were not prepared to face the moral dilemma of having to suppress a peaceful protest led by people their own age. This emotional burden stayed with them long after the events ended. The trauma caused by seeing their peers stand up against their tanks remained a deeply troubling memory for many soldiers.

Political Repression in Bulgaria After the Prague Spring

In the wake of the Prague Spring, the Bulgarian Communist Party, led by the Politburo, pursued a hardline approach to prevent any similar movements within Bulgaria. The party’s primary goal was to maintain strict control over information that could influence Bulgarian society. The Communist regime tightened its grip on freedom of speech, especially among intellectuals and young people.

The Communist authorities increased their surveillance and pressure on artists, writers, and anyone who might oppose the regime’s policies. This period marked a return to the cultural stagnation that had occurred earlier between 1947 and 1958. Artistic freedom was restricted, and the government closely monitored anyone expressing non-conformist views.

The Role of State Security

As writer Georgi Markov later noted, following the events in Czechoslovakia, the State Security and its ideological departments grew significantly in strength. They expanded their power and took full control over all forms of ideological expression. Markov himself became a target of the State Security after he criticized the Bulgarian Communist regime. In 1978, Markov was murdered in London, likely because of his outspoken opposition to the government.

The events of 1968 had a profound impact on both Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria. For Bulgaria, the military intervention marked a strong commitment to Soviet-led policies. However, it also caused significant psychological trauma for the Bulgarian soldiers involved, who were forced to take part in an invasion they did not fully understand. Meanwhile, in the political and cultural sphere, the Communist regime tightened its control, ensuring that any form of dissent would be harshly suppressed, leaving a lasting impact on Bulgarian society.

The Prague Spring and Bulgaria's Response

The Prague Spring was a period of political liberalization in Czechoslovakia that took place in 1968. It started in early January and lasted until 20 August 1968. The movement was a time of reform and hopes for a more open, democratic society. However, it caused great concern among the communist governments in Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, as it threatened Soviet control in the region.

Growing Concern in Eastern Europe

The Bulgaria and other Eastern European countries, which were under Soviet influence after World War II, were deeply worried about the changes taking place in Czechoslovakia. The communist party leadership in these countries feared the political liberalization could spread to their own nations. In response, the security services in these countries were given extra responsibilities to keep a close watch on young people and intellectuals who might support the reforms.

On 3 August 1968, the leaders of the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia met in Bratislava. The meeting resulted in the signing of the Bratislava Declaration, where the leaders expressed their unwavering loyalty to communism and rejected any influence from capitalism or the bourgeois ideology. Bulgarian leader Todor Zhivkov was the first to suggest that military action should be taken in Czechoslovakia to stop the political changes. He was supported by Walter Ulbricht of East Germany and Wladyslaw Gomulka of Poland Customized Tour Istanbul.

The Bulgarian Response to the Prague Spring

As the Prague Spring developed, a group of Czechoslovakian experts on Bulgarian language and literature became concerned about how events in Czechoslovakia were being reported in Bulgarian media. They felt that the Bulgarian press was spreading false information about the situation. In response, they sent an Open Letter to the Bulgarian “Literaturen Front” weekly expressing their worries about this misleading coverage.

Meanwhile, the Bulgarian government took action. On 2 August 1968, the Bulgarian Council of Ministers passed a top-secret decree known as Decree No. 39. This decree stated that Bulgaria would provide armed support to Czechoslovakia against what they called the “counter-revolution” in the country. The Bulgarian leadership believed that military intervention was necessary to stop the reforms in Czechoslovakia from spreading to other countries.

Military Intervention “Operation Danube”

On 21 August 1968, the military intervention called “Operation Danube” began. This operation involved joint military forces from the Soviet Union, East Germany, Poland, Bulgaria, and Hungary invading Czechoslovakia to suppress the reforms. Bulgaria contributed two rifle regiments (the 12th and 22nd regiments), with a total of 2,164 soldiers and 26 tanks.

The intervention crushed the Prague Spring and restored strict Soviet control over Czechoslovakia. The leaders of the Prague Spring, including Alexander Dubček, were forced to abandon their reforms, and the political situation in the country returned to its previous, more repressive state.

The Prague Spring was a turning point in the history of Czechoslovakia and Eastern Europe. It showed the desire for political freedom and reform in a region controlled by the Soviet Union. However, the Soviet-led invasion, with support from countries like Bulgaria, ended the reform movement and reinforced Soviet dominance in Eastern Europe. For Bulgaria, it was a clear sign of its commitment to the Soviet bloc and its willingness to use force to maintain the status quo in the region.

From Social Demands to Political Uprising

Bloodshed During the Workers’ Strike in Plovdiv (4 May 1953)

The Beginning of the Uprising

On the evening of 3 May 1953, workers from the former “Tomasivan” tobacco factory in Plovdiv began a revolt. These night shift workers threw out the factory guards, shut down the factory, and barricaded themselves inside one of the largest tobacco warehouses, called “Ivan Karadzhov.” The next morning, on 4 May, the militia (police) surrounded the warehouse and locked the doors from the outside. The situation escalated when workers from two other warehouses—“Stefan Karadzhiev” and “Georgi Ivanov”—mostly women, also stopped working in solidarity Istanbul Day Trips.

The Strikes Spread

The workers in the Ivan Karadzhov warehouse managed to break down the doors and drive away the militia guards. The strikers from all three warehouses came together in the factory courtyard for an improvised rally. As the protest grew, more workers who were not on shift joined the crowd. Soon, the number of protesters reached several thousand people, according to eyewitnesses.

The workers were demanding the government restore the working conditions they had before the nationalization of the factory. They wanted to return to the better conditions they had before the factory was taken over by the government. The crowd grew in size as citizens from outside the factory also joined in.

Government Response

The situation caught the attention of high-ranking party officials, including the Interior Minister Anton Yugov, who arrived from Sofia. The minister attempted to speak with the workers, but they threw stones at him, forcing him to withdraw. In response, the militia received orders to open fire on the crowd.

The Bloodshed

As the militia began shooting, several protesters were killed on the spot. Among those who died were two women. Fifty others were wounded, and hundreds more were arrested. Kiril Dzhavezov, the leader of the strikers, was caught near the railway station and shot dead. The exact number of people killed remains unclear, as the government imposed a strict media ban and censored any reports or comments about the event.

A Broader Uprising

The Plovdiv strike was part of a larger wave of protests that began in 1953. The first spark of the uprising flared up in Stalinalee, in the Eastern sector of Berlin. Increased quotas for construction workers caused their revolt. This initial protest was soon joined by workers from other industries and ordinary citizens. On 15 June 1953, around 80 workers began a protest parade under the slogan “We demand reduced quotas.” This parade quickly grew as more workers joined in. The protesters marched toward the trade union house, but it was locked. They then moved toward the government buildings.

By lunchtime, thousands of protesters, including workers, union members, and citizens, gathered in front of the building. While their demands for better working conditions continued, they also raised political slogans, such as “Down with the government” and “Free elections.” This protest marked the beginning of larger political demands that would spread across Eastern Europe.

The 4 May 1953 strike in Plovdiv was a tragic event that highlighted the growing unrest among workers in Eastern Europe. It started as a demand for better working conditions but escalated into a political uprising as citizens and workers sought more freedom from the oppressive communist government. The violence that followed, with several deaths and arrests, reflected the harsh measures the government was willing to take to maintain control. The strike in Plovdiv and the events in Berlin in June 1953 were part of a larger pattern of dissatisfaction and unrest in communist countries during the early 1950s.

The Lovech Labour Camp The Camp of Death

The Establishment and Conditions at Lovech Labour Camp

The Lovech Labour Camp, often referred to as “The Camp of Death,” was established in 1959 in Bulgaria. It became notorious for its brutal conditions. The first group of 166 prisoners was transferred from the Belene Labour Camp to Lovech, where they were forced to work at a nearby stone quarry. The prisoners, including intellectuals and artists, were subjected to inhumane working conditions. They were forced to meet impossible labour quotas, and many were beaten to death in sadistic ways. Others died from torture, exhaustion, or systematic thrashing.

The camp became infamous for its harsh and cruel treatment of prisoners. The prisoners’ suffering was so intense that Lovech earned its reputation as a “death camp.” It was not just a place of forced labour, but a place where people faced constant fear of brutality and death Istanbul Day Trips.

The Role of General Mircho Spassov

In 1990, after the fall of the communist regime, General Mircho Spassov, who was once involved in the creation of the Lovech Labour Camp, confessed to the Prosecutor in the Labour Camps’ Case No. 4. He stated:

“We, members of the Politburo of the Central Committee and our Ministry, vigorously copied the Soviet comrades’ methods and drew from their experience. In 1959, I was the youngest Deputy Minister of the Ministry of the Interior and was assigned to set up the camp in Lovech.”

His admission showed that the Lovech Labour Camp was not an isolated incident but part of a larger system of repression inspired by the Soviet regime.

The Skravena Labour Camp

In the summer of 1961, a group of 300 women from the Lovech Labour Camp were transferred to another camp in Skravena, a town in the Botevgrad region. The women were subjected to the same harsh conditions as the men in Lovech. This move further illustrated the widespread nature of Bulgaria’s forced labour system during the communist era.

The Legacy of Political Prisoners in Communist Bulgaria

Alongside the labour camps, there were 22 jails across Bulgaria that also held political prisoners until the fall of the communist regime in 1989. These jails, much like the labour camps, were places of punishment for anyone who opposed the communist government.

Despite the suffering of these prisoners, no one was held accountable for the deaths, torture, and abuses that occurred in these camps. After the fall of the communist regime, those responsible for the camps were never punished.

The Case of Nadia Dunkin

One of the key witnesses of the labour camps’ atrocities was actress Nadia Dunkin, who had herself been a prisoner in one of the camps. Just before she was scheduled to testify in court about the horrors she had witnessed, she was found dead in her home. Her death remained suspicious, and the case was eventually closed in 2002 due to limitations.

Statistics of Prisoners Sentenced for Counter-Revolutionary Activities

By July 1956, there were thousands of people imprisoned for counter-revolutionary activities. The following table shows the breakdown of prisoners by social status:

Social Status Number of People % of All Sentenced

Poor and middle-class peasants 1,168 42.58%

Tradesmen 370 13.49%

Workers 357 13.01%

State employees 349 12.72%

Freelancers 175 6.38%

Kulaks 120 3.37%

Members of Collective Farms 100 3.65%

Students 67 2.44%

Unemployed 37 1.35%

Total 2,743 100%

These statistics show the widespread nature of political repression and the diverse social backgrounds of those who were imprisoned for their opposition to the government.

Political Prisoners with the Longest Sentences

Some of the political prisoners who served the longest sentences include:

Vasil Uzunov – 28 years

Ilija Minev – 27 years

Vasil Zlatarov – 20 years

These individuals were among the many who endured harsh treatment in the prisons and labour camps.

The Lovech Labour Camp and the broader system of political repression in communist Bulgaria were part of a widespread effort by the regime to silence and punish anyone who opposed its rule. The brutality faced by prisoners in these camps, including forced labour, torture, and execution, is a dark chapter in Bulgaria’s history. Unfortunately, many of those responsible for these crimes were never held accountable. The legacy of these camps continues to haunt the memories of the survivors and their families.

The Labour Camp System in Bulgaria

Overview of Labour Camps

After the establishment of the communist regime in Bulgaria in 1944, the country set up a system of labour camps to imprison political opponents, perceived enemies, and people seen as a threat to the regime. According to Peter Gogov, the chief of the Lovech Labour Camp, there were about 44 labour camps in Bulgaria between 1945 and 1962. However, other sources suggest that there were as many as 83 labour camps in total, spread across different locations, and operating for varying lengths of time during this period.

Some Notable Labour Camps in Bulgaria

Zeleni Dol (Blagoevgrad Region)

This was the first labour camp in Bulgaria after the communist takeover. It was established in September 1944, following the demand of the Soviet occupational forces. The camp housed 203 people, including German citizens and German women married to Bulgarians. The camp operated until December 1945 Istanbul Day Trips.

Sveti Vratch Station (Sandanski)

A labour camp was set up in January 1945 near the town of Sandanski. The camp held political prisoners and other people considered undesirable by the regime.

Kutziyan Mine (Pernik Region)

This camp operated from October 1945 until the end of 1949. It primarily housed counter-revolutionary Russians. In 1948, it also became the location for many supporters of Nikola Petkov’s Agrarian Party, which was seen as a political threat to the government.

“Black Sea” Mine (Bourgas)

Located near Bourgas, this camp was in operation from January to April 1945. It was another location used to imprison those deemed enemies of the state.

Bogdanov Dol (Pernik Region)

Operating from spring 1945 until 1951, this camp was situated in the Pernik region and was used to imprison individuals seen as a threat to the regime.

“Tolbukhin” Ore Mine

This was another mining camp, used during the period to imprison political prisoners and others opposing the regime.

Nikolaevo Mine (Stara Zagora Region)

This camp operated from 1948 until July 1949 in the Stara Zagora region. It was used to house various prisoners, particularly those seen as enemies of the communist government.

“Rositza” Dam

Located near a dam, this camp was active from October 1946 to 1948. It housed political prisoners and other undesirable elements.

Nozharevo (Silistra Region)

This camp operated from mid-1947 until mid-1952 in the Silistra region. It was used to imprison a wide range of political prisoners.

Boyana Village (Tutrakan Region)

A women’s camp was set up at Boyana village at the beginning of 1947. This camp was used to house women who were considered to be enemies of the state.

Veliko Tarnovo (Outskirts)

A women’s camp was also set up on the outskirts of Veliko Tarnovo in 1947, aimed at imprisoning women accused of anti-government activities.

Bosna Camp (Tutrakan Region)

Set up in 1947, this camp was located in the Tutrakan region, used for political opponents and others the regime wanted to suppress.

Boshuliya Camp (Pazardjik Region)

Operating from 1945 until 1949, the Boshuliya camp was another site for imprisoning political prisoners.

Belene (Danube River Islands)

Belene became one of the most infamous camps. It was established in April 1949 by a Council of Ministers’ decree. Located on several Danube river islands, it housed political opponents of the Communist Party. The first year saw 800 prisoners interned, and by 1953, the number had risen to 1,917 prisoners. They faced sentences ranging from 6 months to 7 years. The camp was closed temporarily from 5 September to 5 November 1956.

The establishment of these labour camps was a key part of the Bulgarian government’s strategy to suppress political dissent and maintain control over the population. Many of these camps were used to imprison individuals for simply opposing the Communist regime or for their perceived political views. The Belene camp, in particular, became a symbol of the oppressive nature of the communist government, with thousands of people suffering under brutal conditions. The legacy of these camps is a reminder of the harsh realities of life under communist rule in Bulgaria.

Dissolution of the Bulgarian National Company in NATO

During the years of détente, when tensions between East and West started to ease, representatives from the Eastern bloc consistently raised the issue of emigrant companies within NATO. These representatives insisted that these groups be dissolved. As part of the negotiations, the Bulgarian National Company, which had been formed by Bulgarian political emigrants and was part of NATO, was officially dissolved on June 3, 1964.

The Role of Emigrant Companies in NATO

The Bulgarian National Company was a group of emigrants who had fled Bulgaria during the communist regime. These emigrants had joined NATO forces in the hope of fighting against the spread of communism. They had been part of the larger resistance movement to overthrow the oppressive government in Bulgaria. However, as the political situation in Europe changed and the Soviet Union and NATO began engaging in talks to reduce tensions, the presence of these emigrant groups in NATO became a point of contention.

The Eastern bloc, led by the Soviet Union, pushed for the disbanding of these companies, viewing them as a threat to their interests. The dissolution of the Bulgarian National Company in 1964 marked a significant step in these diplomatic negotiations and the easing of Cold War tensions between East and West Istanbul Day Trips.

The Punitive Labour Camps in Bulgaria

Introduction to Labour Reformation Communes

The establishment of punitive labour camps in Bulgaria was a response to the increasing need for the government to control and punish political opponents. These camps, known as Labour Reformation Communes (LRC), were set up by the Bulgarian government to imprison individuals deemed dangerous to the state. The model for these camps was closely based on the GULAG system in the Soviet Union, which was notorious for its harsh conditions and forced labor.

The Formation of the Camps

On December 20, 1944, the Bulgarian Council of Ministers passed an ordinance that allowed for the creation of these labour camps. The ordinance contradicted Article 73 of the Bulgarian Constitution, which protected individual rights and freedoms. The new law specifically targeted politically dangerous individuals, including anyone who opposed the communist regime or was seen as a threat to the government’s control.

According to Article 1 of this ordinance, individuals considered a threat to national security and order could be forcibly sent to specialized labour camps. These camps were under the strict supervision of the People’s Militia, the official name of the civilian police forces. The government used these camps to detain anyone who was thought to be an enemy of the state, including political dissidents, intellectuals, and anyone suspected of being involved in resistance movements.

The Impact of the Camps

These labour camps were part of the broader repressive measures taken by the Bulgarian communist regime to silence opposition and maintain control over the population. Those who were sent to these camps faced harsh conditions, including forced labor, overcrowding, poor food, and physical abuse. Many individuals were detained without trial or were subjected to unfair trials. The aim was to break the spirit of political opponents and ensure that any form of dissent was eliminated.

While the labour camps were a tool for punishing political opposition, they also served as a reminder of the regime’s power and control. Those who survived these camps often faced lasting psychological and physical trauma, and many families were torn apart by the imprisonment of their loved ones.

The dissolution of the Bulgarian National Company in NATO and the establishment of punitive labour camps were both significant aspects of Bulgaria’s political landscape during the communist regime. The dissolution represented a shift in diplomatic relations during the Cold War, while the labour camps reflected the harsh repressive measures used by the government to maintain its hold on power. Both events are important in understanding the ways in which the Bulgarian communist regime sought to control both internal and external threats to its authority.

Bulgarian Political Emigration and Armed Resistance

The Bulgarian political emigration played an important role in the country’s armed resistance during the communist regime. Many Bulgarians who had escaped the country joined various exile groups that aimed to fight against the oppressive government and support the Goriyani movement, a major resistance group in Bulgaria.

Political Emigration’s Support for the Resistance

After the communist regime was established in Bulgaria, many Bulgarians fled the country and crossed the border illegally. These emigrants formed organizations that supported the Bulgarian resistance. In fact, official records from the State Security reveal that in 1955, 52 armed groups from abroad entered Bulgaria to join the Goriyani movement. These groups were organized by the Bulgarian National Committee, which was later renamed the Bulgarian Liberation Movement Private Bosphorus Tours.

Emigrant Organizations in Exile

A number of organizations were created by Bulgarian emigrants to assist the resistance movement. These organizations included a variety of groups with different focuses, all united by the goal of freeing Bulgaria from communist rule. Some of the key emigrant organizations were:

Bulgarian National Committee “Free and Independent Bulgaria”

Bulgarian Liberation Movement

“Free Bulgarians” Union

Bulgarian Human Rights League

Free Bulgarian Centre

Bulgarian Hearth

Provisional Bulgarian Mission

Union of the Bulgarian Anarchists Abroad

Bulgarian Organization “Tsar Simeon”

Bulgarian National Front “Freedom”

Bulgarian National Front “Struggle”

The Bulgarian Social Democratic Party in exile

Union of the Bulgarian Ex-Military in exile

Students’ Organization “Stefan Stambolov”

The Bulgarian Orthodox Church in exile

And many more

These groups organized protests, made connections with other international organizations, and coordinated efforts to weaken the communist regime inside Bulgaria.

The Bulgarian NATO Company

One of the most significant contributions of the Bulgarian political emigration was the formation of the first Bulgarian NATO company in 1951. This company was set up near Zeilsheim, a small town in Germany, not far from Frankfurt am Main. The company was made entirely of Bulgarian political emigrants who had escaped the country and were eager to fight against communism.

The soldiers in the company were all Bulgarians who had managed to escape the communist regime. They joined the company with the hope of defending the free world from the threat of communism, particularly from the Warsaw Pact, and contributing to the eventual liberation of Bulgaria from communist rule. Over the course of its 14 years of existence, about 2,500 Bulgarians joined this company, all committed to the cause of freedom and democracy.

The political emigration of Bulgarians played a crucial role in supporting the armed resistance against the communist regime. Many organizations were formed in exile to help with the resistance efforts, and the Bulgarian NATO company served as an example of the emigrants’ dedication to freeing their homeland. Despite the hardships faced by those who had escaped, they continued to fight for a free and independent Bulgaria.

Armed Goriyani Detachments

During the early years of communist rule in Bulgaria, several armed Goriyani detachments were formed to fight against the regime. These groups were part of the broader Goriyani resistance movement, which sought to oppose Soviet influence and the communist government. The detachments were mainly located in rural and mountainous regions, where they carried out guerilla warfare and received support from local communities. Below are some of the key Goriyani detachments that operated during the late 1940s and early 1950s:

1. Goriyani Detachment from Godech District (1947)

The Goriyani detachment from the Godech district was set up in 1947 under the leadership of Todor Dimitrov Filipov. This group was part of the larger resistance movement that aimed to fight against the communist regime and the forced collectivization of land.

2. Sixth Pirin Detachment (1947)

The Sixth Pirin Detachment was established at the beginning of 1947 under the leadership of Gerasim Todorov. To increase mobility, the detachment split into two smaller groups. The second detachment was led by Kiril Bengazov. After facing heavy resistance from government forces, the two detachments were eventually defeated. 84 of their members and supporters were arrested, and twelve of them were sentenced to death.

3. Pazardjik District Detachment (Until 1949)

The Pazardjik District Detachment was active until the end of 1949. It was part of a broader resistance network operating in southern Bulgaria, fighting against the communist government’s policies.

4. Pirin Mountain Detachments (1949)

In 1949, three Goriyani detachments were organized in the Pirin mountain region. These detachments were part of a larger effort to establish resistance groups in Bulgaria’s mountainous areas, where guerrilla warfare tactics could be more effectively used.

5. First Sliven Detachment (1950)

The First Sliven Detachment was a well-armed Goriyani group consisting of 28 people. It was led by Penyo Christov Michov and operated in the Sliven region. The detachment was destroyed in mid-November 1950 after facing heavy attacks from government forces.

6. Second Sliven Detachment (1951)

The Second Sliven Detachment was set up in April 1951 and led by Georgi Marinov Turpanov. The detachment grew to around 150 members, including several women. It was active in the Sliven Mountains, but government forces, including regular military troops and internal army units, were sent to the region to destroy the resistance. These forces were under the direct command of Anton Yugov, the Minister of the Interior.

7. Gorjanitcheta “Rilski Bojtzi” (1950)

The “Rilski Bojtzi” detachment was formed in 1950 under the leadership of Nikola Hajdutov. This detachment operated in the districts of Dupnitsa and Gorna Dzhumaya, fighting against the communist government’s policies.

8. Yambol District Detachment (1950)

A Goriyani detachment was formed in the Yambol district in the spring of 1950. The detachment operated in the region for several months, conducting resistance activities against the communist regime.

9. Ruse Detachment (1950)

The Ruse Detachment was created in September 1950 with just 8 members. The group grew to 40 members and gained significant support from local villages in the Ruse district. However, by May-June 1951, the detachment was destroyed by government forces Private Bosphorus Tours.

10. Rila Warriors (1950)

The “Rila Warriors” were established in 1950 under the leadership of Nikola Hajdutov. This detachment was active in the Dupnitsa and Gorna Dzhumaya regions, fighting against the communist government’s policies.

11. Stara Zagora Armed Detachment (1950-1951)

The Stara Zagora Armed Detachment was set up in October 1950. By the end of 1951, the detachment grew to 145 members. It operated in the Stara Zagora region and was part of the wider resistance movement.

12. Goriyani Bulgarian Resistance Movement (1951)

The Goriyani Bulgarian Resistance Movement was formed in early April 1951, mainly by students from Plovdiv. It was led by Petko Kidikov and had 46 members, including 3 women and several runaway soldiers. In August 1951, the group set up a second detachment under the leadership of Georgi Komitov.

The Goriyani detachments played a significant role in the Bulgarian resistance against the communist regime during the late 1940s and early 1950s. These armed groups, although small in size, carried out crucial resistance activities in various regions of the country. Despite facing brutal repression from the government, the Goriyani detachments remained a symbol of defiance and resilience in the fight for freedom.

Underground Resistance Groups in Bulgaria

Underground Resistance Groups in Bulgaria (1950-1951)
During the early years of communist rule in Bulgaria, many underground resistance organizations Underground Resistance Groups in Bulgaria (1950-1951)

During the early years of communist rule in Bulgaria, many underground resistance organizations were formed to oppose the regime. These groups were mainly made up of young people, students, farmers, and intellectuals who rejected the communist government and its policies. The organizations fought for freedom, independence, and democracy, aiming to end the dictatorship of the Communist Party. Below are some key underground organizations formed in the early 1950s:

Key Underground Organizations

Agrarian Youth Union (1950)

The Agrarian Youth Union was an underground organization created in Sofia in 1950. It aimed to fight against the communist regime and its policies, focusing on the rights of peasants and workers Private Bosphorus Tours.

Bulgarian Resistance Movement (1950)

This underground movement was set up in Sofia in 1950. It was formed to resist the oppressive rule of the communist government and to promote democratic values.

Underground Organization of Samokov (1950)

Formed in the autumn of 1950, this group was led by Kiril H. Besov, Atanas B. Batashki, and Vasil Mishev. With 68 members, the organization sought to take up arms and overthrow the regime.

“Call for Freedom” (1950)

A youth-based underground organization established in the summer of 1950 in the Ihtiman region. It was led by Slavcho Zashev, who was sentenced to death and executed by firing squad in 1952. His brother, Assen Zashev, was imprisoned for many years.

Youth Organization Against the Fatherland Front (1951)

This organization was formed in Sofia and Plovdiv in 1951. It aimed to challenge the communist-controlled Fatherland Front and its policies.

“Partisan Students” (1951)

Established in 1951 in Sofia, this group was made up of expelled students. They formed a resistance movement against the regime, demanding freedom of expression and an end to communist rule.

This underground organization was formed in the Plovdiv region in 1951. Its members were dedicated to fighting against the communist government and promoting Bulgarian identity and freedom.

The Goriyani Resistance Movement

The Goriyani Bulgarian Resistance Movement (1951)

On April 15, 1951, the Goriyani Bulgarian Resistance Movement was set up in Plovdiv. The group’s main objective was to train and support armed underground resistance groups. By the end of 1951, the organization had established four Goriyani detachments in the Kazanluk, Karlovo, Assenovgrad districts, and the Parvenets region near Plovdiv.

Role of Youth in Resistance

Many of the underground resistance groups were led by young people. They saw their struggle as a fight for freedom and democracy, not just for themselves but for future generations as well. They used various methods to resist the communist regime, including armed uprisings, underground publications, and radio broadcasts.

Resistance Through Radio

The Goriyani underground movement also used radio as a tool for spreading its message. They created a radio station that became the voice of the Bulgarian people’s resistance against the communist dictatorship. One of their broadcasts in May 1955 included a call for freedom and independence from the Bolshevik regime, urging the people of Bulgaria to continue the fight for democracy.

The underground resistance groups in Bulgaria during the 1950s were a significant part of the country’s struggle for freedom. These groups, formed mostly by ordinary citizens and led by young people, fought against the oppressive communist regime that was trying to control every aspect of life. Despite facing severe punishment, including executions and long prison sentences, their courage and determination helped keep the spirit of resistance alive in Bulgaria.

The Rise of Resistance Against the Communist Regime

In 1951, the Bulgarian State Security reported that there were 176 underground resistance groups operating throughout the country. Of these, 47 were in Sofia, the capital city. These groups were part of a larger movement against the communist regime, which had taken control of Bulgaria in 1944 and imposed strict Soviet-style rule.

The Struggle in the Kazanluk Region

On October 1, 1951, 19 young men lost their lives during a military operation against a Goriyani detachment in the Turiya forest, located in the Kazanluk region. At the same time, in the Iskar River Pass, State Security troops clashed with two Goriyani groups, each consisting of 30 to 40 fighters. These operations were part of the government’s efforts to eliminate the resistance and maintain control over the country Private Bosphorus Tours.

The Voice of Resistance Radio Goriyanin

From April 1951 until October 1962, the Goriyanin radio station broadcast messages of defiance and resistance against the communist government. The station became a key voice for the Bulgarian resistance, as it continued to oppose the dictatorship and the Sovietization of Bulgaria.

One of the broadcasts from Radio Goriyanin in May 1955 included a powerful message to the people of Bulgaria:

“This is the Goriyanin radio station, the voice of the Bulgarian resistance…
Waste no time, get ready, brothers,
For the day of freedom yet to come.
Freedom from Bolshevik slavery,
Freedom for our holy Motherland…”

These broadcasts were a source of strength for many Bulgarians who were resisting the oppressive regime. They helped keep the spirit of freedom alive, even in the face of harsh repression.

The Hope for International Support

During these years of armed resistance, the Bulgarian people remained hopeful that the international democratic community and the Great Powers would notice their struggle. They hoped that the global powers might recognize the sacrifices they were making and intervene to help them achieve freedom. Despite the inequality of their struggle against the communist regime, the resistance fighters believed that outside support could tip the balance in their favor.

The underground resistance in Bulgaria during the 1950s was a fierce and dangerous fight for freedom. Despite the efforts of the communist government to crush it, the Goriyani movement and Radio Goriyanin continued to provide a voice for the oppressed. The hope of international support and the belief in a future free from communist control kept the resistance alive for many years, demonstrating the resilience and determination of the Bulgarian people in their fight for freedom.

The Growth of the Goriyani Resistance Movement

By the end of 1947, peasants made up 47% of those involved in the resistance movement in Bulgaria. This number grew significantly, reaching 70% between 1950 and 1951. After the opposition parties were eliminated, the communist government pushed forward with mass collectivization of land and the nationalization of private urban property. This effort followed the Soviet model closely and contributed to the spread of the Goriyani movement, an armed resistance group that fought against the communist regime.

The Spread of the Goriyani Movement

As the government continued to implement its policies, the Goriyani movement spread across the country. By the 1950s, almost every mountainous region in Bulgaria had active armed Goriyani detachments, supported by large numbers of local people. These resistance groups fought against the oppressive regime and its attempts to control rural life Private Bosphorus Tours.

Government’s Response Internal Military Battalions

The communist regime’s desperate efforts to eliminate the Goriyani resistance led to the creation of internal military battalions. By the end of 1948, the first battalions were formed. By October 1950, the number had increased to 10 battalions. These battalions were stationed in key cities, including Sofia, Plovdiv, Bourgas, Varna, Stara Zagora, Yambol, Blagoevgrad, and Belogradchik.

The Politburo of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party issued a decision to reorganize these internal military troops into a division. The number of battalions increased as the need for more troops grew. The mission of these military forces was clear: they were to fight and destroy the Goriyani detachments, and crush the entire resistance movement in Bulgaria.

The Role of the Military and State Security

The internal military forces were trained to operate like the Soviet Union’s internal forces. They were expected to be loyal to the Bulgarian Communist Party to the death. Along with the Bulgarian State Security forces, these battalions were tasked with eliminating the Goriyani resistance. Their goal was to wipe out the resistance and restore the government’s control over the country.

The Goriyani movement was an important chapter in Bulgaria’s resistance to the communist regime. Despite the government’s efforts to crush the movement, it continued to grow and spread, especially in the countryside. The creation of internal military battalions and the deployment of State Security forces demonstrated the regime’s determination to eliminate any form of opposition, including the armed resistance groups that were fighting for freedom.

Communist Resettlement Policies in Bulgaria

Communist Resettlement Policies in Bulgaria (1944–1956)

Between 1944 and 1956, the Bulgarian Communist Party implemented extensive resettlement policies aimed at consolidating power and suppressing opposition. These measures forcibly relocated thousands of families, particularly targeting those deemed hostile to the regime.​

Mass Resettlement from Cities and Border Regions

According to a joint report by the Speaker of the House and the Minister of the Interior, from 9 September 1944 to August 1953, 7,025 families comprising 24,624 individuals were forcibly relocated from major cities and border areas. Specifically, 2,548 families (5,075 individuals) were moved from Sofia, and 4,208 families (18,315 individuals) from border regions and district centers Istanbul Day Trip.​

Reasons for Forced Relocation

The primary reasons for resettlement included:

Relatives of individuals who had fled to the West: 2,397 families (9,739 individuals).

Individuals considered ‘enemies of the people’: 4,359 families (13,651 individuals).

Other unspecified reasons 169 families (1,224 individuals).​

Confidential Ordinance for Further Resettlement

In March 1953, Georgi Tzankov, Minister of the Interior, issued a confidential ordinance targeting families of individuals who had fled or were considered enemies of the regime. The ordinance mandated the identification and internment of these families from cities like Sofia, Bourgas, Varna, Plovdiv, and border regions, confining them to settlements in the interior of the country.​

Renewed Resettlement During the 1956 Hungarian Uprising

The Hungarian Uprising of 1956 prompted the Bulgarian authorities to renew their resettlement policies. In response to perceived threats and to prevent potential uprisings, the regime intensified efforts to relocate individuals and families deemed disloyal or subversive.​

The Bulgarian Communist Party’s resettlement policies were a strategic tool used to eliminate opposition, control populations, and suppress dissent. These actions resulted in significant human suffering and displacement, leaving lasting scars on the affected communities.​

Forced Resettlement of Bulgarian Families

Forced Resettlement of Bulgarian Families (1944–1953)

Background Mass Relocation Under Communist Rule

After the communist coup in Bulgaria on 9 September 1944, the new government began forcibly resettling families considered a threat to the regime. This policy continued for almost a decade, until August 1953. The goal was to remove “unreliable” or “dangerous” individuals from big cities and sensitive areas such as border regions. The authorities believed that these people could not be trusted and might oppose the new socialist order.

Official Numbers and Real Impact

According to a confidential report submitted to the Politburo of the Bulgarian Communist Party by the Speaker of the House and the Minister of the Interior, between 1944 and 1953:

7,025 families were resettled.
This included 24,624 individuals Istanbul Day Trip.

However, even the report admits that the actual numbers may be higher. Many operations were done in secret, and not all were documented fully.

Specific Resettlement Statistics

Here are the key figures provided in the report:
Reason for Resettlement Number of Families Number of People
Relatives of people who escaped to the West (“renegades”) 2,397 9,739
People considered “enemies of the state” or a threat if living in large cities or border areas 4,359 13,651
Other reasons 169 1,224
Total 7,025 24,624
In Sofia alone, 2,548 families (5,075 people) were resettled. From border regions and district centers, 4,208 families (18,315 people) were forced to move.

Secret Orders from the Ministry of the Interior

In March 1953, Georgi Tzankov, the then Minister of the Interior, issued a strictly confidential directive. His order was aimed at further “cleansing” of the cities and border zones:

“To cleanse big cities and border areas from hostile individuals and to break their contact with those who have escaped to the West, I order preparations for the resettlement of their families.”

The directive named specific cities:

Sofia
Plovdiv
Bourgas

Stalin (now Varna)
Local Ministry officers were instructed to:
Identify all family members of “renegades” and “non-returners”
Propose their internment (forced relocation) by 20 March 1953
The Human Cost of Political Fear

These forced relocations were part of a larger campaign of political oppression. People were punished not for crimes they had committed, but simply for being related to someone who had fled the country, or for being considered a threat by the communist government. Those who were resettled often lost their homes, jobs, and access to education or healthcare. They were placed under constant surveillance, and forbidden to leave their new, often poorer, communities.

The Bulgarian Communist regime used forced resettlement as a powerful tool to silence dissent, isolate “unreliable” citizens, and maintain total control. Thousands of innocent people—entire families—were torn from their homes, stigmatized, and sent to live in isolation simply because of who they were or who they were related to. This dark chapter in Bulgarian history is a reminder of the harsh reality of totalitarian rule, where fear and suspicion replaced justice and freedom.

Secret Surveillance of Religious Groups

During the Communist regime in Bulgaria, the State Security Service (known as the DS) was responsible for suppressing opposition. A special division within it, called Department One, was tasked with the “struggle against counter-revolution.” This department had a separate section known as “Clergy and Sects.” Its job was to carry out secret operations against religious institutions and believers.

The main targets were:

The Bulgarian Orthodox Church

The Catholic Church

Protestant denominations

In 1949, this section of State Security conducted:

20 active covert operations

24 preliminary investigations

240 surveillance missions

These operations were carried out by 339 agents, whose task was to spy on, intimidate, or manipulate religious leaders and believers Istanbul Day Trip.

Growing Persecution Over Time

By 1981, religious surveillance had expanded. Out of 5,000 agents working for Department Six of the State Security, 278 were specifically focused on religious groups. Their job was to monitor, control, and sometimes destroy the influence of churches and religious movements.

By 1989, the final year of communist rule in Bulgaria, that number had more than doubled. This shows how seriously the regime viewed religion as a threat to its control. They feared that faith could give people strength to resist the government.

Forcible Resettlement of Citizens

Another method used by the Communist regime to control people was forcible resettlement. Citizens who were seen as a danger to the state were expelled from big cities and forced to live in remote villages or isolated towns.

Those affected by this policy included:

Former military officers

Intellectuals

Lawyers

Business owners

Industrialists

People living in border regions or capital cities

Anyone the regime viewed as “unreliable” or opposed to communism

Once resettled, these people were not allowed to leave their new assigned locations. They had to report regularly to the local police and were often denied access to good jobs, schools, or even food supplies. The goal was to punish and isolate them from society.

The Regime’s Fear of Influence

These actions reveal a deep fear within the communist leadership. Religious faith, free speech, education, and independent thought were seen as threats to their rule. Rather than allow people to live freely, the regime used spying, punishment, and intimidation to control the population.

Between surveillance of religious leaders and forced relocations, the Bulgarian Communist regime worked hard to eliminate dissent and suppress personal freedom. Churches, intellectuals, and anyone who didn’t fit the regime’s ideal were carefully watched or removed from society. These tactics left a deep impact on Bulgarian culture and memory—one that still resonates today.

Communist Repression of Religion in Bulgaria

The Deadly Attack on Sveta Nedelya Cathedral

One of the most shocking examples of the Communist Party’s attitude toward religion happened on 16 April 1925. On that day, a bomb exploded inside Sveta Nedelya Cathedral in Sofia. The cathedral was packed with people attending a funeral service. The explosion killed 213 people and injured over 500 men, women, and children. It was a brutal act carried out by communists to eliminate members of the Bulgarian government and military leadership.

Religious Leaders Executed After the Communist Coup

After the communist coup on 9 September 1944, the new regime began a violent purge of anyone considered a threat—including religious leaders. Many priests were killed without trial, simply for preaching or performing religious services. More than 100 Christian Orthodox priests were executed during these early days Istanbul Day Trip.

Other religious figures also fell victim to the regime’s persecution. Among the murdered were:
Rabbi Isaac B. Levi (Jewish)
Muslim cleric Mohamed Rashidov
Armenian-Gregorian priest Garabed S. Karadzhiyan
Protestant pastor Stephan Todorov
Their only crime was being faithful to their beliefs and traditions.

The Religion Act of 1949

On 16 February 1949, the Communist government passed a new Religion Act, modeled after Soviet laws. This Act placed strict control over all religious organizations. It included:

Banning religious services outside church buildings

Confiscating church property

Prohibiting religious education and activities

Even private individuals were punished for their faith. Students were expelled from school for attending church services. Government employees risked losing their jobs if they were seen in a church.

The Trial of Protestant Pastors

From 25 February to 9 March 1949, the regime conducted a staged trial against 15 Protestant pastors. The charges were false, and the trial was heavily publicized to scare others. Four of the pastors were sentenced to life in prison, even though they had committed no real crimes.

Execution of Catholic Clergy

On 11 November 1952, at 11:30 PM, four Catholic religious leaders were executed by firing squad in Sofia Central Prison. Those killed were:

Father Kamen Vichev

Father Pavel Dzhidzhov

Father Yosafat Shishkov

Bishop Evgeni Bosilkov, a Bulgarian Passionist and Catholic bishop

They had all been sentenced to death in unfair trials. Their executions shocked the international community and remain a tragic moment in Bulgarian religious history.

Forced Name Changes for Muslims

In 1984, the Bulgarian Communist Party began a forced assimilation campaign targeting Bulgarian Muslims. The government forced Muslim citizens to change their names to Slavic ones, erasing their religious and cultural identity. This campaign caused deep pain and resentment among Muslim communities.

Religious Leaders Turned Into Informants

Alongside public repression, the Bulgarian secret police worked behind the scenes. They pressured and sometimes blackmailed religious leaders into becoming informers. These clergy members were forced to report on their fellow believers, creating an atmosphere of fear and mistrust within religious communities.

Under the communist regime, freedom of religion in Bulgaria was almost completely destroyed. Religious leaders were persecuted, imprisoned, or executed. Believers were silenced and humiliated. Churches were stripped of their property, and religious practices were driven underground. The government’s goal was not just to control religion, but to erase it from Bulgarian life. Despite these efforts, many people quietly kept their faith alive, showing incredible courage in the face of fear.

Complete State Control Over Banking

On 25 December 1947, the Bulgarian government passed a new law that gave the state complete control over the banking system. As a result of this law, 31 Bulgarian and foreign banks were nationalized—meaning they were taken over by the government.

This marked the end of the market economy in Bulgaria. From this point on, the country moved to a centrally planned system, where all economic activities were controlled by the Communist Party. Private entrepreneurship was no longer allowed, and management of all businesses was handed over to party officials, many of whom had no experience in running businesses.

No Private Businesses Left

After this transformation, not a single private business remained in Bulgaria. There were no privately owned shops, factories, workshops, or even small craft studios. The state owned and controlled everything Istanbul Day Trip.

Even urban homes and apartments were not safe from expropriation. In 1948, special housing committees were formed by local governments to take over homes from wealthier citizens. These homes were often used to house party functionaries, clerks, and newcomers from rural areas who supported the communist regime.

Many homes were also given to the relatives of victims of political purges—people labeled as “enemies of the people,” many of whom had been executed, imprisoned, or sent to forced labor camps.

Law on Urban Property and Personal Confiscation

The Urban House Property Bill, passed in the late 1940s, allowed for the full or partial confiscation of properties such as:

Houses
Apartments
Villas
Offices

Citizens with larger or more valuable properties were targeted. Their wealth was considered “unjust” or “dangerous” to the goals of socialism. They were often forced to share their homes or give up part of their living space to strangers loyal to the regime.

The government used propaganda to justify these actions, claiming it was done for the benefit of the people. However, the real goal was to weaken the influence of the former middle and upper classes and punish opposition.

Economic Burden and Hidden Costs

Although these nationalizations and confiscations were presented as victories for socialism, they came at a huge cost. The government had to spend millions to maintain the newly nationalized businesses and homes. Often, these enterprises became inefficient, poorly managed, and unproductive, as they were now controlled by unqualified party members.

Even Communist Party documents later admitted that only a small percentage of the wealth taken from citizens actually helped the economy. Most of it was lost due to poor planning and corruption.

Religious Persecution

Alongside the economic and political changes, the communist regime also launched a campaign against the church. Following Karl Marx’s belief that “religion is the opium of the people,” the government sought to limit the influence of religious institutions. Churches were closely monitored, many were shut down, and religious leaders were often arrested, harassed, or forced to conform to state-approved teachings.

A Country Under Total State Control

By the end of the 1940s, Bulgaria had become a fully controlled socialist state, with no private property, no free business activity, and limited personal freedoms. The government owned everything, from banks to homes, and even tried to control people’s beliefs. What was presented as progress was, in reality, a period of hardship, fear, and repression for many Bulgarian citizens.

Nationalization of Private Businesses in Bulgaria

The Beginning of Nationalization

On 18 December 1947, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party approved a draft bill to nationalize all private industrial and mining enterprises. Just five days later, on 23 December 1947, the Grand National Assembly officially passed the bill, making it law.

This law marked the beginning of one of the most dramatic economic transformations in Bulgarian history. It allowed the state to take ownership of businesses in key industries such as:

Metalworking

Mining

Textiles

Construction

Chemicals

Food production, including breweries, dairies, and vegetable oil factories

The law also gave the government control over the financial resources of these businesses, including bank deposits, accounts, and all assets Istanbul Tours Guide.

Secret Preparation and Swift Action

Even before the bill was officially passed, preparations were underway in complete secrecy. On 22 December 1947, one day before the law was approved, communist officials began confiscating private businesses.

The process was simple and intimidating. Business owners were suddenly visited by representatives of the Communist Party. These officials demanded:

The keys to the business owner’s office and safe

A signed statement handing over the business to the “people’s government”

After signing, the owner was told to collect his coat and leave. That was the end of his role in the company he had likely spent his life building.

Immediately afterward, factory loudspeakers announced to workers that the Communist Party and state authorities had officially taken over the business. This public declaration was meant to show that the government was now fully in charge.

Loss of Property and Personal Freedom

Nationalization didn’t just affect the businesses. It also took a heavy toll on the lives of business owners. In addition to losing their companies, many had their personal property taken away, including:

Homes

Jewelry

Cars

Bank accounts

They were removed from all leadership roles and positions of influence in industry, banking, and trade. Many families were left with nothing, as both their professional careers and private lives were destroyed.

The Goal of Nationalization

The official reason for nationalization was to create a “people’s economy”—one where all means of production belonged to the state and served the interests of the working class. The Communist Party claimed that this was a necessary step to move from a capitalist to a socialist economy.

However, for many people, it meant the end of personal freedom, the destruction of private enterprise, and the beginning of a life under constant government control and surveillance.

The nationalization law of December 1947 was a turning point for Bulgaria. It wiped out private ownership in key sectors overnight and changed the country’s economic structure completely. While the Communist Party celebrated it as progress, for thousands of business owners and their families, it was the beginning of hardship, loss, and a new life without the rights they once had.

Abandoned Villages and the Rise of Socialist Art

As a result of forced collectivization and economic control, many villages began to lose their populations. Young people moved to cities in search of jobs or simply to escape the harsh conditions in rural areas. Photos from this period show many abandoned village houses—a powerful image of the disruption caused by government policies.

At the same time, socialist realism art was promoted to show leaders like Vulko Chervenkov as heroic figures. This type of art was meant to inspire loyalty to the Communist Party and glorify state power, even while people’s everyday lives were becoming more difficult.

Expropriation of Private Property in Industry, Trade, and Banking

In addition to farming, the communist regime also targeted industry, trade, and banking. In spring 1946, the Bulgarian Communist Party began a campaign to support the “dictatorship of the proletariat.” This meant removing private ownership from all parts of the economy Istanbul Tours Guide.

On 8 September 1946, the government passed the Confiscation of Property Act. According to Article 1, all property—land, buildings, money, and even shares—that had been acquired since 1935 could be taken by the state. The law described any form of private business as “profiteering,” and thus illegal.

The goal was to destroy the financial power of people the regime saw as enemies. As Alexander Girginov of the Democratic Party said, the law was used to economically eliminate those not loyal to the government.

Nationalization A Soviet-Style Economy

By the end of 1947, Bulgaria had become a single-party state, closely modeled after the Soviet Union. Private businesses, industries, and banks were nationalized. This was described by Georgi Dimitrov, Communist Party leader and head of the Comintern, as one of the most important steps in turning capitalism into socialism.

From agriculture to industry, the Bulgarian Communist Party reshaped the entire economy and society, often through force, fear, and strict control.

Village Council Labels Farmers as Enemies of the People

On 27 November 1950, the Village Council of Yablanitsa, a town in the Teteven district of Bulgaria, issued Ordinance No. 102. Based on a decision by the local branch of the Bulgarian Communist Party, the council publicly declared several villagers to be “kulaks” and “enemies of the people.”

The list included:

Dimiter Mikov Markov and his sons Dako Nejkov Jakimov Dako Vutkov and his sons

These individuals were now officially cut off from public life in the village. According to the ordinance:

They were banned from using village services.

They were not allowed to enter restaurants or pubs.

They could not buy anything from village shops—except salt.

Any disobedience would be punished severely.

The order was signed by the Village Council Chairman, Ivan Tsanov Ivanov, and posted publicly to ensure everyone in the village knew about it. Copies were also given to shop and restaurant staff to enforce the bans Istanbul Tours Guide.

From Landowners to Laborers

This was not an isolated case. Across Bulgaria, thousands of similar orders were issued. The goal was to target wealthier peasants—those who owned more land or livestock—because they were seen as a threat to the new communist system. These so-called “kulaks” were stripped of their rights, homes, and property.

For centuries, Bulgarian peasants had owned their own land and animals, supporting their families through farming. But under communist rule, they lost almost everything. Their land was taken by the state, and they were forced to work on large, state-run collective farms known as kolkhozes, modeled after the Soviet system.

Bulgaria’s Farming Tradition Disrupted

Before communism took full control in 1944, Bulgaria already had experience with co-operative farming. In fact, by 1935, the country had over 1,200 co-operative farms—voluntary groups where farmers worked together but still owned their land.

However, after 9 September 1944, when the communist regime took power, these co-ops were dismantled. Instead, the government forced people into collective farms, where they had no ownership and no say in how the farms were run. These farms were managed by local Communist Party activists, not experienced farmers.

The Damage to Rural Bulgaria

By the late 1950s, private farming in Bulgaria was completely eliminated. Almost all agricultural land was now part of the collective system. Bulgaria, once a country of small farmers with strong traditions, had been transformed.

This shift caused major social and economic problems:

Families lost their land, homes, and independence.

Many young people left the countryside, causing a decline in rural populations.

The quality of farming decreased, as motivation and care declined without private ownership.

Traditional village life was destroyed, replaced by strict control and fear.

The collectivization of agriculture in Bulgaria was not just a change in farming—it was a complete transformation of rural life. The case of the Yablanitsa villagers shows how harsh and personal this process could be. People who had once been respected landowners were suddenly branded enemies, punished, and erased from community life. The long-term effects of this policy still echo in Bulgarian society today.

America Refuses to Recognize Bulgarian Elections

In 1947, the Bulgarian newspaper Zname, which was linked to the Democratic Party, published a strong message:

“America will not recognize the elections for a constituent assembly or the current government.”

This statement reflects the political tension between the West and the pro-Soviet regime in Bulgaria. After World War II, Bulgaria fell under Soviet influence, and the democratic world, especially the United States, did not accept the new communist-controlled government as legitimate.

Traditional Bulgarian Farming Before Communism

Before 1944, farming in Bulgaria was mostly done on small or medium-sized private farms. Almost every peasant family owned some land. According to data from 1946, about 57.9% of farmers owned between 12.5 and 50 acres of land, while only 3.9% had between 50 and 125 acres. Large landowners were extremely rare.

Here is a breakdown of Bulgarian farms in the 1930s based on their size:

Farm Size (acres) % of All Farms Type of Farm

Up to 2.5 11.78% Very small

2.5 to 5 12.31% Very small

5 to 12.5 32.86% Small

12.5 to 25 28.13% Medium

25 to 75 14.30% Large

More than 75 0.67% Very large (rare)

Brutal Collectivization Begins

In April 1945, the new communist government known as the Fatherland Front passed a law to begin creating collective farms. These collective farms were owned and managed by the state, not by individual families. The government forced peasants to give up their land, animals, and farming tools.

This process of collectivization was not peaceful. Many peasants were physically attacked, threatened, or even killed if they refused to give up their property. Farmers lost not only their land but also their oxen, horses, cows, sheep, and equipment like ploughs and tractors Istanbul Tours Guide.

Soviet Influence and Class Struggle

On July 12–13, 1948, the Bulgarian Communist Party held a meeting and officially decided to follow the Soviet economic model. This meant a stronger push for collectivization and a harsh campaign against the so-called kulaks—wealthier peasants who owned more land or livestock.

From 1950 to 1954, this class struggle became especially intense. The government used fear and violence to pressure farmers into joining collective farms.

By 1958: Nearly All Land Was Taken

By 1958, 92% of Bulgaria’s arable land had been turned into collective farms. This shift affected 93% of all farming households in the country. What had once been a land of independent farmers had been transformed into a state-controlled farming system, following the Soviet model.

The forced collectivization of Bulgarian agriculture is one of the darkest periods in the country’s post-war history. Peasants lost their land, their independence, and often their dignity. Driven by Soviet ideology, the Bulgarian Communist Party reshaped rural life through fear and control, leaving long-lasting scars on the countryside and its people.

Fear and Control Bulgria Under Soviet Influence

On January 2, 1959, British Ambassador to Bulgaria, Anthony Lambert, wrote a report that clearly expressed the tense situation in the country. He said, “One cannot help feeling that the shadow of fear and Moscow’s hand of death are hanging over each and every Bulgarian, not excluding the communist leaders.” This statement captured the strong influence of the Soviet Union over Bulgaria, even among those in power.

Bulgaria Copies the Soviet Model

Even after the death of Soviet leader Joseph Stalin in 1953, Bulgaria’s Communist leaders continued to follow the Soviet system closely. The Bulgarian Communist Party said it was moving away from Stalin’s personality cult, but in reality, little changed. Leaders still showed great loyalty to the Soviet Union and copied its style of governance Istanbul Tours Guide.

Zhivkov’s Extreme Proposal

One of the most shocking events happened in July 1963. Todor Zhivkov, who was the First Secretary of the Bulgarian Communist Party at the time, made a bold move. He proposed that Bulgaria should officially become part of the Soviet Union. He brought this idea to a plenary meeting of the party’s Central Committee, which included the top members of the Communist Party.

Surprisingly, all 167 members of the Central Committee supported the idea. They voted in favor of Bulgaria joining the Soviet Union, showing just how deeply committed the leadership was to the Soviet cause.

Khrushchev Is Informed

In October 1963, Zhivkov traveled to Moscow and told Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev about the proposal. He said that the Bulgarian Communist Party had already discussed the idea and agreed to it. This showed how far Bulgaria’s leaders were willing to go to stay close to the Soviet Union, even if it meant giving up their country’s independence.

A Nation Under Influence

During this period, propaganda was heavily used to support the Soviet-controlled regime in Bulgaria. Posters, media, and speeches constantly promoted the idea that following the Soviet Union was the only path to progress. The Bulgarian people lived under a system that demanded loyalty, punished dissent, and pushed Soviet ideals above national identity.

The events of the early 1960s show how deeply the Soviet Union influenced Bulgaria. Even after Stalin’s death, fear and control remained strong. Todor Zhivkov’s proposal to join the Soviet Union highlights how the Bulgarian Communist leadership placed ideology above national sovereignty. It was a time when independence was traded for loyalty, and the future of Bulgaria was tied tightly to Moscow’s decisions.