Greek Army Actions and the Murder of Eulogius

The Bombardment and Surrender

On June 17th, the Greek Army bombarded a house in Salonika where a small Bulgarian force was stationed. By the next day, June 18th, the Bulgarians surrendered.

On June 18th, the Greeks arrested Eulogius, the Vicar of the Bulgarian Archbishop of Salonica. He was put on board a Greek steamer called the “Mariette Ralli”. Later that evening, he was transferred to another ship, the “Catherine”, where he was treated cruelly Guided Turkey Tours .

On June 19th, the ship set sail, but only three hours later, Eulogius was stabbed and thrown into the sea. The official Greek account claimed that he was killed while fighting in the streets of Salonika, but the Carnegie Commission states that this is not true.

Greek Army Actions Begin

The violent actions of the Greek Army began on July 4th with the first conflict in Kukush. On July 7th, further violence occurred in Demir-Hissar.

On July 12th, King Constantine ordered reprisals based on the events in Demir-Hissar. However, the Carnegie Commission notes that the Greek reprisals started several days before the Bulgarian provocation.

Destruction of Kukush

When the Greek Army entered Kukush, the town was still intact. But today, Kukush is nothing but ruins. The Carnegie Commission points out that the Greek Army started the second war by deliberately burning a Bulgarian town—Kukush.

A Call for Reflection

The Commission concludes by highlighting that if the Greeks had remembered the biblical saying, “Let him who is without sin cast the first stone,” they might have hesitated before launching a campaign based on falsehoods and violence that ended up hurting them severely.

Destruction of Bulgarian Villages

The Carnegie Commission summarized the actions of the Greek Army with the following findings:

“Systematically and in cold blood, the Greeks burned one hundred and sixty Bulgarian villages and destroyed at least 16,000 Bulgarian homes.”

The Murder of the Vicar of the Bulgarian Archbishop

Another terrible act was the murder of the Vicar of the Bulgarian Archbishop of Salonica, Archimandrite Eulogius. He was known to be a highly educated man and a patriot with noble and elevated views. His death marked another tragic incident in the conflict Guided Turkey Tours .

The Greek Army’s actions were marked by brutality and destruction against Bulgarian civilians. The letters and reports from the Carnegie Commission provide strong evidence of systematic violence and the killing of non-combatants, including women, children, and prisoners. The destruction of Bulgarian villages and homes was widespread, and even religious figures were not spared from violence.

The Murder of the Greek Bishops and the Conduct of the Greek Army

The Death of the Greek Bishops

The Carnegie Commission confirms that one Greek Bishop, the Bishop of Demir-Hissar, was killed. However, the claim that four Greek Bishops were murdered is not supported by evidence.

Brutal Actions of Greek Soldiers

The Carnegie Commission reports that European witnesses saw Greek soldiers behaving brutally.

Fifteen wounded Bulgarian soldiers took refuge in the Catholic Convent of Paliortsi, near Gheogeli, where they were cared for by the nuns Guided Turkey Tours .

Father Alloati, a priest, informed the Greek Commandant about the soldiers, prompting a search of the convent for a Bulgarian band leader named Arghyr, who was not there.

During the search:

Father Trepitche, a Bulgarian Catholic Priest, and the Armenian doctor of the convent were severely flogged in front of the Greek officers.

A Greek soldier attempted to rape a nun.

A sum of 300 Turkish pounds was stolen.

Five Bulgarian women and a young girl were tortured.

Many peasants were arrested without reason.

The Greek officer in charge threatened to kill Father Alloati and burn down the convent.

The Carnegie Commission comments that if such actions could happen in a building protected by the French flag, then it is likely that Bulgarian peasants suffered far worse.

The Discovery of Greek Soldiers’ Letters

On July 27th, the Bulgarians captured the baggage of the Greek 19th Infantry Regiment at Dobrinichte. Among the items found were letters written by Greek soldiers, which were mostly stamped with the regimental postal mark.

The Carnegie Commission carefully examined these letters and concluded:

The letters were genuine and confirmed the actions and thoughts of the Greek soldiers at the time.

The Carnegie Commission describes serious mistreatment and violence committed by the Greek soldiers, including attacks on civilians, priests, and nuns. The letters discovered provided further evidence of the tensions and cruelty during the conflict.

The Fate of Prisoners and the Greek Accusations

Description of the Prisoners

The Carnegie Commission describes the majority of the prisoners as harmless tradesmen or peasants who were punished simply for being Bulgarians. Among the victims were four women, who were killed along with the rest.

These victims were arrested and imprisoned under the authority of the Greek Archbishop.

Greek Accusations About Demir-Hissar

The Greek accusations regarding Demir-Hissar were used by King Constantine as a reason to send a telegram ordering reprisals against the Bulgarians. The Carnegie Commission points out that the Greek excesses (violent actions) began days before the Demir-Hissar event, in and around Kukush Guided Turkey Tours .

What Happened at Demir-Hissar

The Bulgarian army, defeated in the south, was retreating through Demir-Hissar toward a narrow pass called Struma.

The Greeks in Demir-Hissar saw the Bulgarian confusion and decided to attack.

They attacked the Bulgarian wounded, the baggage trains, and fleeing peasants.

However, the Greeks acted too early, exposing themselves to Bulgarian reprisals.

When the Greek army arrived, they found a scene of carnage and horror. The Greek inhabitants had killed defenseless Bulgarians, and the Bulgarian rearguard took revenge.

Casualties and Responsibility

The Bulgarians report that around 250 Bulgarians were killed.

The Greeks report that 71 Greeks were killed.

The Bulgarians claim that the Greek Bishop led the attack and fired the first shot.

The Carnegie Commission finds nothing improbable in this claim, and the Greeks admit that the Bishop resisted arrest.

The Carnegie Commission shows that both sides suffered losses, but the events in Demir-Hissar were sparked by the early Greek attack and the Bulgarian reprisals that followed. The Commission notes the violence that occurred on both sides during this difficult period.

Massacre at Doxato and the Events at Serres

The Doxato Massacre Not a Bulgarian Atrocity

The Carnegie Commission states that they do not hesitate to say that the massacre at Doxato was not a Bulgarian crime, but a Turkish one.

Events in Serres

On July 5th, the Bulgarian troops withdrew from Serres, and the Greek Archbishop took control of the town. He planned to defend it with Greek irregulars and armed citizens Guided Turkey Tours .

The Bulgarian population in the town was hunted down, and over 200 people were taken to the Bishop’s Palace.

From there, they were moved to a Greek school, where they were tortured and killed in groups.

Bulgarian Effort to Return to Serres

The Bulgarians, worried about large stores of ammunition left in the town and rumors of the massacre at the school, decided to return.

On July 11th, Commandant Kirpikoff led the Bulgarian troops to Serres. They defeated the Greek militia outside the town.

As the Bulgarians entered, they were met with heavy fire from several Greek-held houses. The Bulgarians used their artillery to respond, and the town was set on fire in several areas.

In the afternoon, the Greek main army arrived and shelled the town. The Bulgarians were forced to retreat once again.

The Carnegie Commission criticized both the Bulgarians and Greeks for using artillery on an unfortified town.

The Fate of Bulgarian Prisoners

When the Bulgarian troops attacked Serres on July 11th, there were still about 60-70 Bulgarian prisoners alive in the schoolhouse.

The Greek guards attempted to finish killing the prisoners but did so poorly. Eight wounded prisoners managed to escape and reached the Bulgarian troops.

The Commission interviewed three of these survivors, who had fresh scars from their wounds. The Commission described their injuries as being like those a butcher would inflict while trying to slaughter animals.

The Carnegie Commission highlighted the violence on both sides and emphasized the brutality of the Greek actions towards the Bulgarian prisoners. The use of artillery on a non-fortified town and the inhumane treatment of prisoners were condemned by the Commission as actions that should never occur in civilized warfare.

Serbia's Breach of the Treaty with Bulgaria

The Broken Treaty

Before the second war started, Serbia had already broken the treaty made with Bulgaria. This treaty had been agreed upon before the war with Turkey. Serbia broke the treaty both in spirit and in practice.

If Great Britain was right to declare war on Germany for breaking the Belgian neutrality treaty, then Bulgaria was even more justified in going to war with Serbia. This is because Bulgaria had already sacrificed 1,228 officers and 82,261 soldiers in the war against Turkey.

Serbia’s losses in the same war were 23,000, but there was no breakdown between officers and soldiers.

Greece’s losses during the war against Turkey were not given to the Carnegie Commission.

The Role of Russia and Austria

It is hard to understand why Russia allowed Bulgaria to be treated so unfairly, especially with the Treaty of Bucharest. This treaty was based on two broken treaties. The only explanation for Russia’s actions is its policy at that time, described by Russia’s minister in Belgrade, Monsieur Hartwegg: “Serbia must be strong Turkey Sightseeing.”

Russia’s policy seemed to involve weakening Bulgaria. This explains why Russia allowed the Treaty of London to be broken by Turkey as well.

As for Austria, it did not protest against the Treaty of Bucharest. This was because Austria did not want to offend Roumania and knew that Russia’s actions would upset Bulgaria. Serbia would also be weakened by its temporary control over Macedonia, as well as by the bitter hostility of the Bulgarian race.

The betrayal of Bulgaria by Serbia and the support of Russia and Austria for the Treaty of Bucharest all show how Bulgaria was treated unfairly. This made Bulgaria even more justified in going to war, as the country had already sacrificed so much for the cause.

The Dispute Over Arbitration

During the war against Turkey, many things were happening in the background. One of the key issues was the dispute over arbitration between Bulgaria and Serbia.

Bulgaria was often accused of being unwilling to let the Tsar of Russia decide on the disputed territories. However, Bulgaria was always willing to allow arbitration, but only for the disputed zone that had been specifically marked for arbitration in the treaty Turkey Sightseeing.

On the other hand, Serbia was not willing to only arbitrate the disputed zone. Serbia wanted to revise the whole treaty. This was a safe move for Serbia, because they were confident about their position.

A Serbian Statesman’s View

Recently, a Serbian statesman, Monsieur P. Marinkovitch, had a conversation with a Bulgarian Deputy, Monsieur Adam Neitchoff. In this conversation, Marinkovitch explained what would have happened if the Tsar of Russia had been the one to decide on the issue:

He said, “We would not have given up Macedonia, but you would not have lost areas like Shtip, Kotekana, Seres, Cavala, and Koukoush.”

Marinkovitch also explained that Serbia had received confirmation in May that they would keep Macedonia as far as the Vardar River. There might have been some debate over Bitola (Monastir), but not about Ochrida.

He also pointed out that Serbia’s desire to stay in Macedonia was not about needing access to the Adriatic Sea, but simply about their interest in Macedonia itself.

Attacks on Schools

The Carnegie Commission describes how the Greek and Serbian armies took control of Bulgarian schools. These schools were important centers of Bulgarian culture and education. According to the report:

When the Greek and Serbian forces arrived in a town, their first action was to close the schools and use them as places for the soldiers to stay.

The teachers were gathered together and told that if they didn’t agree to teach in Greek or Serbian, they would no longer be needed. Those who refused to teach in those languages and continued to declare themselves as Bulgarians faced persecution.

The severity of the persecution varied, but in many cases, if the teachers refused to cooperate, they were either allowed to leave for Bulgaria or sent to prison in Salonica or Uskub Turkey Sightseeing.

Persecution of Priests and Bishops

Next, the priests and bishops were targeted. The Carnegie Commission explains:

The priests were first pressured to change the language used in their church services. They were also forced to accept Serbian or Greek religious authorities.

The priests were ordered to mention the names of these new authorities in the church liturgy.

If a priest resisted, their Exarchate (the Bulgarian Church) was taken away from them and given to the Greek Patriarchate. They were also forbidden from communicating with their congregation. Any small act of disobedience led to accusations of political propaganda or treason.

Persecution of Bishops

The bishops faced even harsher treatment. For example:

Bishop Neophyte of Keles and Bishop Cosmas of Debra were both expelled.

Archimandrite Methodius, the bishop of Uskub, faced even worse treatment. According to the Carnegie Commission:

Methodius was forced out of his house and locked in a room. He was beaten by four soldiers until he lost consciousness.

After being thrown into the street, he managed to escape and find shelter in a nearby house owned by a Frenchman. This man helped him by informing the French Consul in Uskub about what happened.

Under the Consul’s protection, Methodius left for Salonica, where he was examined by foreign doctors. The doctors confirmed his story and found his injuries were serious.

This persecution of religious leaders and educators was part of a wider effort to suppress Bulgarian identity in the territories controlled by Serbia and Greece after the war. The Carnegie Commission’s report highlights the harsh treatment of the Bulgarian people and the efforts to erase their cultural and religious heritage.

O'Mahony's Second Letter

St. Patrick’s Orphanage,

23, Rue Gladstone,

Sophia, Bulgaria

The Carnegie Commission’s Report – Bulgaria’s Wish for Arbitration with Serbia – The Treaty of Bucharest

In a previous letter, I mentioned the treaty made between Serbia and Bulgaria before the war of 1912. This treaty divided Macedonia into two parts. One part was clearly recognized as Bulgarian, while the other part was disputed, with both Serbia and Bulgaria claiming it. If they couldn’t reach an agreement, the matter was to be taken to the Tsar of Russia for arbitration Turkey Sightseeing.

The Carnegie Commission’s Findings

According to the Carnegie Commission’s report, the most important point of the treaty was to clearly define the borders. A detailed map was even attached to the treaty showing the agreed-upon line (see Appendix).

Serbia’s Disregard for the Treaty

The Carnegie Commission report also makes it clear that Serbia never intended to follow this treaty from the very start. When the war against Turkey began, Bulgaria had to send most of her army to fight the main Turkish forces in Thrace, leaving Serbia and Greece to handle the liberation of Macedonia.

For years, Bulgarian revolutionary groups had fought against Turkish oppression, but they had never received help from Greece or Serbia. In fact, they were often opposed by these countries because they were Bulgarians. Initially, these revolutionary groups fought alongside Serbia and Greece against the Turks. But as the Turkish forces were pushed back, both Serbia and Greece turned against the Bulgarians, pushing them aside under the pretext of trying to establish order.

Peace Built on Broken Treaties

The peace in Europe, after the Balkan War, was based on two broken treaties. The Concert of Europe, which was supposed to ensure peace based on the Treaty of Berlin, has spent recent years ignoring it. Instead of keeping the peace, the European powers have focused on breaking it. The Concert of Europe has repeatedly failed at honest diplomacy because of the rival ambitions and conflicting interests of powerful nations who are all heavily armed.

The Failure of Diplomacy

Before the Balkan War, the Concert of Europe declared that no matter who won the war, neither side would be allowed to gain any land or benefits. But this was just an empty promise.

Instead, the Treaty of Berlin was ignored and torn apart by Austria, Italy, Romania, and the Balkan States. Other agreements, like the one between Serbia and Bulgaria, and the agreement made between Romania and Bulgaria in Petrograd, were also violated. Even the Treaty of London, which was supposed to ensure peace, ended up in the trash Turkey Sightseeing.

Turkey’s Disregard for Europe

Turkey completely ignored the protests from the European Powers, treating them with contempt. This situation paints a very humiliating picture for Europe. The great powers, who were supposed to be the protectors of peace, watched passively as the smaller nations were betrayed and taken advantage of.

Bulgaria’s Struggle

The bravest and most freedom-loving people in the Balkans were attacked by their former allies, with the help of an old friend. Bulgaria was abandoned by the Slav Powers and forced to demobilize, leaving it defenseless and isolated. Bulgaria had to try to negotiate with Turkey to secure what little was left of the Treaty of London, which had been dishonestly broken.

Europe’s Consequences

Europe’s failure to act fairly has led to its own downfall. As the saying goes, “you reap what you sow.” The Concert of Europe sowed chaos, and now it faces the consequences.

The Start of the War

The war in the Balkan States against Turkey began as a war for freedom and liberation. However, it ended up becoming a war of control and domination. Before the war started, Serbia and Bulgaria signed a treaty that divided Macedonia into two parts.

The larger southern and eastern part was recognized as Bulgarian and was uncontested.

The smaller north-western part was a disputed area, and it was decided that it would be resolved later. If Serbia and Bulgaria couldn’t agree, the issue would be decided by Russia’s Tsar Sightseeing Turkey.

Serbia’s Actions Against Bulgaria

Before the second war began, Serbia made it clear that it didn’t intend to follow the treaty. Serbia took actions against Bulgaria, such as:

Closing Bulgarian schools

Arresting Bulgarians

Expelling Bulgarian priests and bishops

Russia’s Involvement

Before the second war, Russia’s ambassador in Belgrade, Monsieur Hartwig, was asked to help Serbia and Bulgaria come to an agreement for the sake of peace in the Balkans. He responded by saying:

“I care nothing for the Balkan States; I am working for my country. Serbia must be strong. Bulgaria has been flirting with Austria and cannot be trusted. Bulgaria must give way in everything.”

This is how Russian diplomacy was carried out during the second war.

Romania’s Invasion of Bulgaria

Romania was allowed to invade Bulgaria without any reason. Romania took control of Dobrudja, the richest part of Bulgarian territory, in violation of Bulgaria’s national rights and a recent agreement made in Petrograd. This agreement had been signed by all the ambassadors, and it hadn’t even been fully finalized when Romania took action.

The Treaty of Bucharest

The Treaty of Bucharest, which was forced upon Bulgaria, was signed when Bulgaria was in a very weak position. Bulgaria was betrayed and abandoned by its allies, and the treaty was seen as an unfair peace, made when Bulgaria was “bleeding” from the earlier conflicts.

O'Mahony Letters on the Balkans in 1914

First Letter: The Bulgarian and Serbian Treaty Before the War of 1912

November 2nd, 1914

Great Britain’s Declaration of War

Great Britain declared war on Germany because Germany broke a treaty, and by doing so, Britain gained eternal honor. In 1913, Bulgaria was forced to go to war with Serbia because Serbia broke a treaty. So, are treaties made by Great Powers more important than treaties made by smaller countries?

The Problem with Small Nations and Treaties

Since the Treaty of Berlin, which was one of the worst decisions in modern European history, the freedom of small nations has been ignored, and promises made to them have been broken. Military power and territorial greed have shaped the decisions of Europe’s leaders Sightseeing Turkey.

When Germany took control of Alsace and Lorraine, it made war between France and Germany inevitable. Similarly, if the Treaty of San Stefano had been respected, Bulgaria would have grown stronger and acted as a defense against aggression from more powerful neighbors.

The Treaty of Berlin’s Impact

The Treaty of Berlin placed the mainly Bulgarian population of Macedonia back under Turkish control. It also split the Bulgarian race into two smaller states. This decision put the Balkans at the mercy of powerful neighboring countries, and it set the stage for war between Austria and Russia, a war that was only a matter of time.

Britain’s Responsibility

Great Britain, which played a leading role in the Treaty of Berlin, bears a heavy responsibility for the division of the Bulgarian people. This responsibility still affects Britain more than any other European country today.

The Seizure of Dobrudja by Romania

After the war of liberation, Bulgaria’s former allies turned against her. Romania, who didn’t participate in the war, took control of Dobrudja, which was the richest part of Bulgarian land. This land had been part of Bulgaria since its liberation in 1878.

The Impact on Churches and Priests

Dobrudja was home to parts of two Bulgarian dioceses. It had 67 churches, and 53 priests served in them. The priests were forced to hold church services in Slavonic and Romanian, even though neither the priests nor the people understood Romanian. Those priests who refused were expelled from their jobs. The priests were also put under the authority of a Romanian bishop, and over time, Romanian priests replaced the Bulgarian ones.

The Impact on Schools

When Romania took over Dobrudja, there were:

Two High Schools with 17 teachers.

11 Secondary Schools with 79 teachers.

175 Primary Schools with 320 teachers.

Romania seized all the school buildings and dismissed most of the teachers. The only schools that remained were one primary school in each of the following towns: Silistra, Baltchik, Tontrakan, Dobritch, and Kavama. This is the kind of freedom given to the Bulgarian nationality in the land taken by Romania Sightseeing Turkey.

The Need for Change After the War

If the outcome of the current war is meant to support Mr. Asquith’s views from his speech in Dublin, the Treaty of Bucharest must be changed completely. Only then can Bulgaria have the space to live freely and develop its national identity.

Mr. Asquith's Statement on Smaller Nationalities

Recently, in Dublin, Mr. Asquith spoke about one of the main reasons for the current war. He said:

“It means that room must be made and kept for smaller nationalities to exist and develop freely, each with its own identity.”

The Corporate Consciousness of the Bulgarian People

The list of Churches, Priests, Schools, and Scholars in the areas liberated by the Allies shows the identity (or corporate consciousness) of the Bulgarian people in those regions. The Treaty of Bucharest gave parts of this land to Greece and Serbia, leading to the suppression of this Bulgarian identity in those areas Sightseeing Turkey.

To understand the importance of this list, we need to remember that after Bulgaria became stronger following its liberation, Turkey tried to stop its growth in Macedonia. Turkey did this by closing many Bulgarian schools and churches. This persecution became even worse with the massacres of 1903, which mainly targeted Bulgarians and, sadly, were supported by the Greeks in some cases.

The Loss of Bulgarian Territories

Additionally, Turkey took back a large part of the land that was given to Bulgaria by the Treaty of Bucharest. This land once had:

83 Priests

81 Churches

184 Teachers

99 Schools

5,597 Scholars

When the Turks regained control of this area, almost all Bulgarians fled, except for a few in Adrianople and Kirk Kiiisse. These people were not allowed to return by the Turks.

The Loss of Bulgarian Influence in Freed Territories

Of the territory freed by the Treaty of London, where the Bulgarian race’s identity was shown through:

1,310 Priests

1,331 Churches

294 Chapels

1,373 Schools

2,266 Teachers

78,854 Scholars

Bulgaria has lost land that had:

1,029 Priests

1,058 Churches

147 Chapels

67 Monasteries

1,035 Schools

1,778 Teachers

60,549 Scholars

The Fate of Bulgarians in Turkey, Greece, and Serbia

In Turkey, there are almost no Bulgarians left. In Greece and Serbia, the churches and schools have been taken over, and Bulgarians are no longer served by their own priests. The younger generation is not allowed to learn in their own language anymore.

The Greek Church Controlled Education in Bulgaria Before the Exarchate

Before the Bulgarian Exarchate was established, the Greek Church was the only Orthodox Church recognized by the Turkish government.

In Turkey, all education was run by the churches, so Greeks controlled the education of Bulgarians. The Turkish government treated Bulgarians as if they were Greeks, and the Greeks encouraged this, as it suited their plans.

The Revival of the Bulgarian Exarchate

After a long struggle, the Bulgarian Exarchate was revived and recognized by the Turks. But, the Greek Patriarch declared the Bulgarian Church to be schismatic (separated from the main Church) and excommunicated it Sightseeing Turkey.

The Difficult Situation for Bulgarians in Greek and Serbian Territories

This explains why Bulgarians in Greek and Serbian Macedonia faced such bitter conditions. In these areas:

Their churches and schools were taken away.

They were not allowed to learn in their own language.

They could only receive religious services from priests who viewed them as schismatics.

Bulgaria’s Efforts to Help Bulgarians Outside Its Borders

Even though the Treaty of Berlin gave Bulgaria only part of Macedonia, the country did a lot to support Bulgarians living in the parts of Macedonia that were separated from it.

This shows how deeply Bulgaria was involved in the lives of its people in these areas and helps explain why there are now over 160,000 refugees from these regions in Bulgaria. These refugees fled from their supposed “liberators” who treated them badly.

Bulgarian Exarchate in 1911

In 1911, the Bulgarian Exarchate had:

Churches

Chapels

Metropolitan Bishops

Priests

Schools

Teachers

Scholars

The following data shows the number of these institutions in Macedonia and Thrace, areas that were later assigned to Greece and Serbia by the Treaty of Bucharest.

Justice Was Overshadowed by Power and Lies

The idea of justice was pushed aside by the ambitions of the Great Powers and a campaign of lies spread during Bulgaria’s time of isolation. At that time, Bulgaria had no way to communicate its side to Western Europe.

A War for Freedom Became a War for Control

The war began as a fight to free oppressed people, but it changed into a war of conquest when Romania joined in—even though Romania had done nothing to help in the early fight for liberation Guided Turkey Tours .

Bulgarians Suffer Under New Oppression

A large part of the Bulgarian people, who had once been promised freedom from Turkish rule, were placed back under foreign control by the Treaty of Berlin.

Even worse, after being free from Turkish rule since 1878, some Bulgarians were handed over to Romania, which ruled them with even more harshness and lack of sympathy than the Turks.

Lies That Misled Europe

In 1913, many false stories were told about Bulgaria, and these lies seriously influenced European opinion. Fortunately, the Carnegie Commission later reviewed the situation and exposed the truth in a fair and unbiased way.

The Treaty of Bucharest Must Be Fixed

If the Balkans are ever to have lasting peace, the unfair terms of the Treaty of Bucharest must be corrected. And the sooner this happens, the better.

Even today, Romania, Greece, and Serbia are using the same dishonest tactics they used during the Balkan War to mislead the world once again.

A Personal Appeal for Fairness

I have spent ten years living and working among the Bulgarian people. During that time, I came to not only admire them, but to truly care for and love them.

So now, I am sharing these facts with you—facts that I hope will help you understand how much Bulgaria has done for its people, especially in Turkish lands, ever since the founding of the Bulgarian Exarchate, in the forty years before the 1912–13 war.

The British Empire Won Loyalty Without Promises

In the British Empire, no race needed promises of future freedom or religious rights to give their support. Their loyalty came naturally, without needing political deals.

Has Injustice Brought Any Real Gain?

Let’s look at how unfair actions have hurt different countries:

Did Russia truly gain by taking Bessarabia from Romania in 1878?

Did Romania become stronger by taking Dobrudja from Bulgaria—its richest land—at a time when Bulgaria was weak and alone?

Has Greece gained strength by taking land in Macedonia, which was known to be Bulgarian? Greece even carried out massacres against the Bulgarians who didn’t flee Guided Turkey Tours .

That land was promised to Bulgaria in the Treaty of San Stefano and was vital for Bulgaria’s economic growth.

Serbia’s Broken Promise

Is Serbia any stronger now, during its struggles, because it broke its treaty with Bulgaria before the war with Turkey? Serbia took Bulgarian-inhabited land that had been officially recognized as Bulgarian by treaty.

Europe’s Failure to Respect Agreements

Has Europe benefitted by allowing Turkey to take advantage of Romania’s surprise attack on Bulgaria, and use that moment to break the Treaty of London—signed just months earlier with the help of Sir Edward Grey?

The truth is, today’s crisis in Europe is largely the result of ignoring treaties and disrespecting the wishes of local people in the lands being fought over.

Bulgaria Was Treated Unfairly

Where was the justice when Europe stood by silently as Bulgaria lost nearly all the rewards of her hard-won victories?

Even though Bulgaria had made huge sacrifices in blood and resources for the cause of freedom, she was robbed of the benefits she deserved.

The Balkans Are Still Unsettled

Dear Harcourt,

No one can honestly say that the situation in the Balkan Peninsula is either stable or satisfying. History shows us that even the most powerful empires cannot ignore the national feelings of smaller nations without consequences.

Bulgaria’s Fight for Freedom and Unity

It was Bulgaria’s strong desire to unite and free its people that gave it the strength to defeat the Turkish armies and win great victories. Even though those victories didn’t lead to all their goals, they earned Bulgaria lasting honor Guided Turkey Tours .

National Identity Is a Great Strength

In this huge world war, we’ve seen how powerful national identity can be. Respecting a nation’s feelings and rights has brought strength, while ignoring them has led to weakness.

National Pride Across Europe

What gave Belgium the courage to stand up to Germany? It was their national pride.

What drives France to fight so hard? Their deep desire to win back their lost lands and people.

And what made Ireland so willing to support Great Britain? It was being granted more self-government.

Freedom Makes Empires Stronger

What has made the British Empire stronger during this war? It’s the way different nationalities and regions have been given freedom and recognition. This has led to loyalty and unity across the Empire.

Each part of the Empire—despite being made up of many races and beliefs—has come together, proudly flying the flag. As freedom within the Empire has grown, so has its power and safety.

Now, in this war, we are seeing a great union of free people, all showing how strong freedom can make us.

O’Mahony’s Message and Europe’s Attention

O’Mahony’s strong support for Bulgaria will likely help European leaders give fair attention to Bulgaria’s claims when the right time comes. But Bulgaria must act now if it wants justice. This is the time for action, not waiting.

Bulgaria Must Not Stay Silent

Bulgaria cannot simply stand aside during this great war for Slavic freedom. It cannot stay in the background while its people’s cause is in danger—or let others win without its help. Now is the moment to stand with its fellow Slavs.

The Allies Fight for Liberty and the Small Nations

Anyone who believes in freedom must hope and pray for the Allied Powers to succeed. Their victory will mean the success of:

Slavic nations,

the right of people to belong to their own nation, and

the survival of small countries in Europe Guided Turkey Tours .

These countries face a real danger of being swallowed up by Pan-Germanism and militarism—forces that want to dominate and erase smaller nations.

United Resistance Means Greater Victory

The more countries and people who stand up to these dangerous powers, the better the chance of stopping them completely. The stronger and more united the resistance, the more likely we will see a lasting victory for freedom, independence, and peace.

This Is Not Just Another War

This war is not a small or local conflict. It is a life-or-death struggle for freedom. The Allies (like Russia, England, and France) are fighting a great mission to free all oppressed nations and people. It is a crusade for universal liberation.

What’s at Stake for the Slavs

If the Allies win, no Slavic land will remain under foreign rule. But if they lose, the Slavic people will face even worse oppression and tyranny than before Guided Turkey Tours .

What Should Bulgaria Do?

Bulgaria has already done much in the past to help its people and fight for liberation. So, will Bulgaria now stand by and watch these hard-won dreams be destroyed? Or will it act quickly?

Before the First Balkan War in 1912, Bulgaria successfully settled disputes with Serbia and Greece. It should now work just as quickly to reach a new agreement with them. The disagreements left over from that time, especially those from the Treaty of London, are few. Bulgaria’s diplomats should be able to solve them.

The Time for Slav Unity Is Now

The moment for Slavic freedom has arrived. Every Slavic country has a duty and an interest in joining this cause. They must use all their strength to support their people and defend freedom.

This is a “now or never” moment. Bulgaria cannot stay out of this war without damaging its honour or risking its future.

Let History Handle the Past

Bulgaria has faced many wrongs and hardships, especially since the Treaty of Bucharest. But those issues belong to history. Writers like O’Mahony have recorded what Bulgaria has suffered.

A New Chance for the Slavs

But today, the situation in Europe is completely new. Never before have the odds been so good for the Slavic nations—if they unite. If they put their differences aside and come together, they can finally achieve the freedom they all seek.

Fight for Peace, Liberty, and Humanity

The Allies are fighting with great courage in places like Poland, France, and Flanders to stop Pan-Germanism and militarism, which threaten to take away the freedom of all small nations.

That’s why Bulgaria and every other Slavic country should join the fight—not just for themselves, but for peace, liberty, and all of humanity.

Moving Beyond Blame

Some time ago, people criticized Bulgaria and questioned her reputation. However, it’s the job of history—not politics—to decide who was truly at fault. Right now, Bulgaria must focus on the present, not the past. There are more urgent and serious issues that need attention.

The Future of the Slavic People

The Slavic nations are at a turning point. The outcome of the great war (World War I) will decide whether they are freed or face worse oppression. Russia, the traditional protector of the Slavs, is now fighting alongside England and France, who have always supported freedom and independence in Europe.

The Allies and Their Mission

The goal of Russia, England, and France is to defeat German militarism, which threatens the peace and independence of small nations all across Europe. If the Allies succeed in breaking this dangerous power, then all Slavic countries, including Bulgaria, will gain—both in territory and in freedom Guided Tours Turkey.

The Risk of Defeat

But if the Allies fail or only partially succeed, then all Slavic nations will suffer—especially Bulgaria. The old enemy of the Slavs, the Ottoman Turks, have joined forces with Germany and Austria in the Pan-Germanic League. If these powers win, the Turks might return to Europe and take back the lands they once controlled—lands they ruled with cruelty and violence for centuries.

Bulgaria’s Difficult Position

Bulgaria may still feel bitter toward its former allies from the First Balkan War. It might even want to see them suffer. But this war is bigger than past rivalries. If Serbia falls, Bulgaria and all Slavic nations are in danger. This is no longer about one country—it’s about the survival of the entire Slavic people.

Who Should Control the Aegean Gateway?

Only two countries have a strong reason to control the route to the Aegean Sea: Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria. Austria-Hungary wants the port city of Salonica mainly for military and economic reasons. Its leaders in Vienna are simply waiting for the right moment to act.

Bulgaria’s Strong Argument

Bulgaria also waits patiently, believing it has a stronger claim. Bulgarians argue that the majority of people in Macedonia are ethnically Bulgarian—they share the same blood, language, and culture Guided Tours Turkey.

To weaken Austria-Hungary’s position, Bulgarians point out that the empire already includes many different, often conflicting, ethnic groups. Some people even within Austria worry that trying to take more territory will cause the empire to collapse after the death of Emperor Franz Josef.

Ethnic Unity Is the Key

In Sofia, the capital of Bulgaria, leaders believe that the only lasting solution for the Balkans is one based on ethnic identity. They think people should be governed by leaders who share their language, culture, and heritage.

This belief follows the ideas of Cavour, an Italian leader who helped unite Italy. He said that nationalism—loyalty to your nation or ethnic group—was the most important political force of his time. Today, Tsar Ferdinand and all of Bulgaria believe the same is true for the Balkans.

Bulgaria Is Ready for the Future

Bulgaria has worked hard and waited patiently. Leaders believe that the changes still to come in the Balkans must respect the will and identity of the people. What Bulgaria has done so far is just the beginning of a larger, unfolding story in the region.

Bulgarians Are the Majority in Macedonia

Most people living in Macedonia are Bulgarians. Even though Greek efforts to spread their influence are loud and active, they are not widely accepted in the region. These Greek actions are seen as unnatural and not truly connected to the local population.

Greeks Refuse a Fair Vote

One strong piece of evidence showing Greece’s weak position in Macedonia is their strong opposition to holding a fair vote. Bulgarians have repeatedly suggested a plebiscite—a public vote—to let the people of Macedonia choose which nation they feel connected to. This vote would be managed by international authorities to ensure fairness.

If the Greeks really believed that most people in Macedonia were Greek, they would accept the vote. But their refusal suggests they know the majority are not on their side Guided Tours Turkey.

Italian Claims Are Unfounded

Italy has also claimed a part of Macedonia, but these claims are not taken seriously. There is no historical or ethnic reason for Italy to be involved—no area of Macedonia is home to Italian-speaking people or anyone with Italian roots.

Italy only tries to justify its presence by saying it wants to protect the Albanians, even though Albanians don’t speak Italian or have any close ties to Italy.

Serbia’s Claims Are Limited

Serbia’s claims are a bit more believable than Italy’s but still limited. Serbian influence is mostly in the vilayet (region) of Kossovo, also known as “Old Serbia.” Even the most extreme Serbian nationalists do not claim land beyond that region.

So, while Serbia does have some connection to part of Macedonia, it does not extend over the entire area.

Bulgaria’s Dream Faces Challenges

Tsar Ferdinand of Bulgaria and his advisors clearly understand how difficult it is to unite Bulgaria with its neighboring regions. They know that Austria wants the city of Salonica, and they are also aware of the competing claims made by Italy, Serbia, and Greece.

Obstacles, But Not Impossible

Even though there are many challenges to creating a “Great Bulgaria,” the leaders in Sofia do not believe these problems are impossible to overcome. History in the Balkans has shown that surprising things can happen.

Surprising Events in the Past

Before 1885, no one would have believed that Bulgaria could take control of Eastern Roumelia without fighting a war—but it happened. Before October 5 of this year, people would have laughed at the idea that Bulgaria could declare independence from the Ottoman Empire without causing a Balkan war—but that also came true. These events are now officially recorded in government history Guided Tours Turkey.

A New Opportunity Ahead

There are signs that Bulgaria’s leaders believe a new opportunity is coming. They think the powerful countries of Europe might soon realign in a way that allows Tsar Ferdinand more freedom to deal with the Macedonian issue.

The Macedonian Question Isn’t So Complicated

Although many politicians loudly argue about the situation in Macedonia, the Bulgarian government believes the problem is not as complex as it seems. They remain hopeful that the dream of a united Bulgarian nation can still come true.

The Dream of a Great Bulgaria

Since gaining their freedom, Bulgarians have dreamed of creating a “Great Bulgaria”—a strong and united nation that includes all Bulgarians, even those outside current borders. This idea is supported by everyone: government leaders, soldiers, and ordinary people. It’s more than just a political goal—it’s a source of pride and unity.

People are willing to pay taxes and send their sons to the army because they believe in this goal. The energy and determination of the Bulgarian people remind some observers of how Japan quickly became powerful or how Prussia grew into a major force in Europe Guided Tours Turkey.

The Importance of Macedonia

In the capital city of Sofia, leaders understand that the future of the entire Balkan region depends on solving the problems in Macedonia. For 30 years, since Bulgaria became free, it has worked hard to support Bulgarian communities living across the border in Macedonia.

Harsh Life Under Ottoman Rule

Macedonians, still ruled by the Ottoman Empire, face a tough life. They are forced to pay high taxes for schools that are never built. They are charged for public services and improvements that never happen. They pay to support police and courts, but they still live in fear, with no protection for their lives or property.

Even though the Treaty of Berlin promised them basic rights, the Ottoman government has failed to keep those promises. As a result, Macedonians have turned to Bulgaria for help and support.

Bulgaria’s Support for Macedonians

Bulgaria has invested heavily in helping Macedonians. Bulgarian schools in Macedonia are funded mostly by Bulgaria, showing how deeply the country believes in unity among all Bulgarians. Many refugees from Macedonia have fled to Bulgaria, which has placed a burden on both the government and private charities.

Still, Bulgaria continues to welcome them. The Macedonians see Bulgaria as their natural protector—a country that shares their language, culture, and hopes for the future.

State Security's Operation Against Dissidents

In 1981-1982, the Bulgarian State Security conducted a major surveillance operation called “Dissidents”. This operation targeted a group of creative artists in cities such as Sofia, Bourgas, Varna, Stara Zagora, Yambol, and other areas. The authorities arrested individuals accused of anti-regime activities. Some of them were sent to psychiatric clinics as a way of silencing them. In total, 312 authors of anti-regime leaflets were identified in 1982, with about 45% of them being young people. During this period, the State Security also recorded 141 incidents related to anti-Soviet sentiments.

Rise of Informal Youth Groups

The influence of events in Poland sparked an increase in informal youth groups in Bulgaria. In 1982, there were 64 informal groups with 295 participants, a sharp rise compared to 1980, when there were only 18 groups with 86 members. These groups were seen as a growing threat by the government, as they represented a form of resistance and protest against the communist regime.

“An Open Letter of Appeal”

In autumn 1986, a group of former political prisoners wrote an “Open Letter of Appeal” to the Vienna Conference, which was reviewing the implementation of the Helsinki agreement on human rights. The letter was addressed to representatives of European countries, the USA, and Canada, urging them not to end the conference until the fundamental human rights of all European citizens were fully guaranteed. The authors of the letter stressed that every European citizen should have the freedom to express their thoughts and beliefs, both in oral and written form, without the fear of persecution Customized Tour Istanbul.

Declaration on Human Rights

Along with the Open Letter, the authors also signed a Declaration that was attached to the Memorandum of Dissidents. This memorandum, signed by dissidents from four Eastern European countries, marked the anniversaries of significant uprisings: the Hungarian Uprising, the Berlin Uprising, the Prague Spring, and the Polish events. The declaration highlighted the desire for democracy and freedom in Eastern Europe.

The authors of these documents were Iliya Minev, Eduard Genov, Grigor Simov, Tseko Krustev, Stefan Savovski, and Bozhidar Statev. On 16 January 1988, these individuals founded the Bulgarian Independent Human Rights Association. The goal of the association was to defend human rights and freedoms, which had been severely violated for over 40 years under the communist regime in Bulgaria.

The State Security’s efforts to suppress dissent and protest during the early 1980s showed the extent to which the communist regime sought to control the population. However, these efforts also led to the formation of independent human rights movements, like the Bulgarian Independent Human Rights Association, which sought to challenge the oppressive government and advocate for freedom of speech and human rights.

The Impact of Solidarity in Poland on Eastern Europe

The Solidarity Union in Poland, formed in the autumn of 1980, became a significant source of inspiration for human rights movements throughout Eastern Europe. Its success led workers in other countries to follow suit. In Romania, Georgia, and the Soviet Baltic Republics, workers began to strike, pushing for more rights and better conditions. Even in Bulgaria, voices of discontent grew stronger, and subversive ideas began to emerge.

The Bulgarian Secret Service Response

In September 1980, the Bulgarian Secret Service (Directorate Six), tasked with monitoring political enemies, was assigned to prevent any organized anti-socialist activities linked to the Solidarity movement in Poland. Their job was to stop any influence from the Polish unions and counter-revolutionary ideas from spreading into Bulgaria. Directorate Six focused on the intelligentsia, young people, and anyone suspected of being opposed to the government Customized Tour Istanbul.

By the end of 1980, Directorate Six conducted operations targeting intellectuals, students, and those who were seen as a threat to the regime. They attempted to stop any movement that could lead to unrest, particularly from the Polish influence. This led to the imposition of strict censorship on books, newspapers, films, and all types of Polish propaganda materials that were seen as promoting ideas contrary to the communist system.

Concerns Over Polish Influence

In the summer of 1980, many Polish tourists visited Bulgaria’s Black Sea coast, which raised concerns within the State Security. The authorities were worried that these tourists could spread pro-democracy ideas and encourage the Bulgarian people to challenge the regime.

To counteract this, the Bulgarian press began to publish propaganda that misrepresented the situation in Poland. The goal was to create a false image of the Polish trade unions, portraying them as being influenced by Western powers. The official daily newspaper, Rabotnichesko Delo, published numerous articles from the Soviet newspapers Pravda and Izvestiya, which attacked the Solidarity movement and its supporters. These articles aimed to show that Poland’s internal problems were caused by foreign interference.

Growing Discontent in Bulgaria

On 14 October 1981, Todor Zhivkov, the leader of Bulgaria, submitted a memorandum to the Politburo expressing his concern that the Polish movement might inspire similar protests in Bulgaria. The State Security continued to monitor the growing discontent, especially among young people. Directorate Six noticed an increase in anonymous leaflets and small gatherings in private homes where people discussed the situation in Poland.

In particular, a group of young people in Bulgaria began to work on a “Declaration-80”, a document that expressed support for the Polish struggle for democracy. The authorities saw this as a threat to the regime and quickly classified it as a “menace to the rule of law”.

The Solidarity Union in Poland sparked a wave of protests and uprisings across Eastern Europe, and Bulgaria was not immune to this growing demand for change. However, the Bulgarian government, led by Todor Zhivkov, responded with intense repression, including strict censorship and surveillance of its citizens. Despite these efforts, the spirit of democratization that emerged in Poland began to inspire more people in Bulgaria, particularly the younger generation, who increasingly questioned the totalitarian regime under which they lived.

Growing Protests Against the Communist Regime

As the years passed, protests against the communist regime in Bulgaria increased. These protests, both individual and group actions, were often met with harsh repression by the authorities. Despite the growing unrest, the communist government worked to maintain strict control over information, imposing a total blackout on any news about the protests.

One example of resistance to the regime took place in Stara Zagora prison. On 9 September 1969, which marked the 25th anniversary of the communist coup in Bulgaria, five political prisoners managed to take control of the prison. After the evening retreat, they freed 80 more political prisoners from their cells. This revolt was a significant act of defiance against the government. However, the rebellion was quickly crushed by regular army troops. The main organizer, Petko Chobanov, was unable to escape the authorities and tragically committed suicide Customized Tour Istanbul.

The Impact of the 1975 Helsinki Accords

The year 1975 brought a glimmer of hope to people in Eastern Europe, as it marked the signing of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). This historic document, signed by 35 countries, including the Soviet Union and the United States, focused on human rights and the sovereignty of nations. It reaffirmed the importance of human rights, which gave people in Eastern Bloc countries a renewed sense of hope for possible liberation from their oppressive totalitarian regimes.

The signing of the Helsinki Accords stirred expectations for political change, and for many, it offered a new weapon: human rights. People began to believe that they could demand greater freedoms and push back against the government’s control over their lives.

Emergence of New Opposition Movements

In the wake of the Helsinki Accords, a new type of opposition began to emerge in Eastern Europe. Citizens, particularly in countries like Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Bulgaria, started to openly protest against the limitations imposed on their personal freedoms. These protests focused on the violation of human rights and the lack of political freedoms under communist rule.

As more and more people joined these efforts, the communist authorities found themselves under increasing pressure. Although the governments tried to suppress these movements, the protests and demands for human rights continued to grow. The 1975 Helsinki Accords gave ordinary people a framework to challenge the authorities, and the idea that human rights should be respected gained more importance in the minds of many.

The increasing protests, such as the Stara Zagora prison revolt, and the hope sparked by the Helsinki Accords, marked a turning point in Eastern Europe’s fight against communist regimes. While the governments tried to suppress these movements, the desire for freedom and human rights could not be easily extinguished. These events laid the foundation for the larger movements for democracy and reform that would eventually lead to the fall of communism in Eastern Europe at the end of the 1980s.

Bulgaria's Involvement in the 1968 Prague Spring

During the Prague Spring of 1968, Bulgaria took part in a Soviet-led invasion to suppress the political reforms happening in Czechoslovakia. The Bulgarian military played an active role in this operation, which was part of the larger Soviet effort to maintain strict control over Eastern Europe.

Bulgarian Military Units’ Tasks

As part of the intervention, the 12th Regiment of the Bulgarian army was assigned to take control of the cities of Banska Bistritsa and Zvolen, located in Slovakia. Their mission was to disarm the Czechoslovakian military units stationed in these areas. Meanwhile, the 22nd Regiment was tasked with taking control of the airports near Prague, specifically the Ruzyne and Vodohosti airports.

The soldiers involved were conscripts, meaning they were required to serve in the military, and most of them were unaware of their exact mission until the very last moment. For many of these young soldiers, the situation was a shock, especially when they encountered protesting students in the streets of Czechoslovakia. As some soldiers later reported, they were deeply disturbed by the sight of Czechoslovakian boys and girls, who were about the same age, standing in front of their tanks, protesting the invasion Customized Tour Istanbul.

One soldier from the 22nd Regiment lost his life during the mission. Although this may seem like a small casualty in the larger context, it highlights the violence and danger involved in the invasion.

Psychological Impact on Bulgarian Soldiers

The conscripted soldiers were shocked and experienced psychological trauma after being sent to Czechoslovakia. Many of these young men were not prepared to face the moral dilemma of having to suppress a peaceful protest led by people their own age. This emotional burden stayed with them long after the events ended. The trauma caused by seeing their peers stand up against their tanks remained a deeply troubling memory for many soldiers.

Political Repression in Bulgaria After the Prague Spring

In the wake of the Prague Spring, the Bulgarian Communist Party, led by the Politburo, pursued a hardline approach to prevent any similar movements within Bulgaria. The party’s primary goal was to maintain strict control over information that could influence Bulgarian society. The Communist regime tightened its grip on freedom of speech, especially among intellectuals and young people.

The Communist authorities increased their surveillance and pressure on artists, writers, and anyone who might oppose the regime’s policies. This period marked a return to the cultural stagnation that had occurred earlier between 1947 and 1958. Artistic freedom was restricted, and the government closely monitored anyone expressing non-conformist views.

The Role of State Security

As writer Georgi Markov later noted, following the events in Czechoslovakia, the State Security and its ideological departments grew significantly in strength. They expanded their power and took full control over all forms of ideological expression. Markov himself became a target of the State Security after he criticized the Bulgarian Communist regime. In 1978, Markov was murdered in London, likely because of his outspoken opposition to the government.

The events of 1968 had a profound impact on both Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria. For Bulgaria, the military intervention marked a strong commitment to Soviet-led policies. However, it also caused significant psychological trauma for the Bulgarian soldiers involved, who were forced to take part in an invasion they did not fully understand. Meanwhile, in the political and cultural sphere, the Communist regime tightened its control, ensuring that any form of dissent would be harshly suppressed, leaving a lasting impact on Bulgarian society.

The Prague Spring and Bulgaria's Response

The Prague Spring was a period of political liberalization in Czechoslovakia that took place in 1968. It started in early January and lasted until 20 August 1968. The movement was a time of reform and hopes for a more open, democratic society. However, it caused great concern among the communist governments in Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, as it threatened Soviet control in the region.

Growing Concern in Eastern Europe

The Bulgaria and other Eastern European countries, which were under Soviet influence after World War II, were deeply worried about the changes taking place in Czechoslovakia. The communist party leadership in these countries feared the political liberalization could spread to their own nations. In response, the security services in these countries were given extra responsibilities to keep a close watch on young people and intellectuals who might support the reforms.

On 3 August 1968, the leaders of the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia met in Bratislava. The meeting resulted in the signing of the Bratislava Declaration, where the leaders expressed their unwavering loyalty to communism and rejected any influence from capitalism or the bourgeois ideology. Bulgarian leader Todor Zhivkov was the first to suggest that military action should be taken in Czechoslovakia to stop the political changes. He was supported by Walter Ulbricht of East Germany and Wladyslaw Gomulka of Poland Customized Tour Istanbul.

The Bulgarian Response to the Prague Spring

As the Prague Spring developed, a group of Czechoslovakian experts on Bulgarian language and literature became concerned about how events in Czechoslovakia were being reported in Bulgarian media. They felt that the Bulgarian press was spreading false information about the situation. In response, they sent an Open Letter to the Bulgarian “Literaturen Front” weekly expressing their worries about this misleading coverage.

Meanwhile, the Bulgarian government took action. On 2 August 1968, the Bulgarian Council of Ministers passed a top-secret decree known as Decree No. 39. This decree stated that Bulgaria would provide armed support to Czechoslovakia against what they called the “counter-revolution” in the country. The Bulgarian leadership believed that military intervention was necessary to stop the reforms in Czechoslovakia from spreading to other countries.

Military Intervention “Operation Danube”

On 21 August 1968, the military intervention called “Operation Danube” began. This operation involved joint military forces from the Soviet Union, East Germany, Poland, Bulgaria, and Hungary invading Czechoslovakia to suppress the reforms. Bulgaria contributed two rifle regiments (the 12th and 22nd regiments), with a total of 2,164 soldiers and 26 tanks.

The intervention crushed the Prague Spring and restored strict Soviet control over Czechoslovakia. The leaders of the Prague Spring, including Alexander Dubček, were forced to abandon their reforms, and the political situation in the country returned to its previous, more repressive state.

The Prague Spring was a turning point in the history of Czechoslovakia and Eastern Europe. It showed the desire for political freedom and reform in a region controlled by the Soviet Union. However, the Soviet-led invasion, with support from countries like Bulgaria, ended the reform movement and reinforced Soviet dominance in Eastern Europe. For Bulgaria, it was a clear sign of its commitment to the Soviet bloc and its willingness to use force to maintain the status quo in the region.

From Social Demands to Political Uprising

Bloodshed During the Workers’ Strike in Plovdiv (4 May 1953)

The Beginning of the Uprising

On the evening of 3 May 1953, workers from the former “Tomasivan” tobacco factory in Plovdiv began a revolt. These night shift workers threw out the factory guards, shut down the factory, and barricaded themselves inside one of the largest tobacco warehouses, called “Ivan Karadzhov.” The next morning, on 4 May, the militia (police) surrounded the warehouse and locked the doors from the outside. The situation escalated when workers from two other warehouses—“Stefan Karadzhiev” and “Georgi Ivanov”—mostly women, also stopped working in solidarity Istanbul Day Trips.

The Strikes Spread

The workers in the Ivan Karadzhov warehouse managed to break down the doors and drive away the militia guards. The strikers from all three warehouses came together in the factory courtyard for an improvised rally. As the protest grew, more workers who were not on shift joined the crowd. Soon, the number of protesters reached several thousand people, according to eyewitnesses.

The workers were demanding the government restore the working conditions they had before the nationalization of the factory. They wanted to return to the better conditions they had before the factory was taken over by the government. The crowd grew in size as citizens from outside the factory also joined in.

Government Response

The situation caught the attention of high-ranking party officials, including the Interior Minister Anton Yugov, who arrived from Sofia. The minister attempted to speak with the workers, but they threw stones at him, forcing him to withdraw. In response, the militia received orders to open fire on the crowd.

The Bloodshed

As the militia began shooting, several protesters were killed on the spot. Among those who died were two women. Fifty others were wounded, and hundreds more were arrested. Kiril Dzhavezov, the leader of the strikers, was caught near the railway station and shot dead. The exact number of people killed remains unclear, as the government imposed a strict media ban and censored any reports or comments about the event.

A Broader Uprising

The Plovdiv strike was part of a larger wave of protests that began in 1953. The first spark of the uprising flared up in Stalinalee, in the Eastern sector of Berlin. Increased quotas for construction workers caused their revolt. This initial protest was soon joined by workers from other industries and ordinary citizens. On 15 June 1953, around 80 workers began a protest parade under the slogan “We demand reduced quotas.” This parade quickly grew as more workers joined in. The protesters marched toward the trade union house, but it was locked. They then moved toward the government buildings.

By lunchtime, thousands of protesters, including workers, union members, and citizens, gathered in front of the building. While their demands for better working conditions continued, they also raised political slogans, such as “Down with the government” and “Free elections.” This protest marked the beginning of larger political demands that would spread across Eastern Europe.

The 4 May 1953 strike in Plovdiv was a tragic event that highlighted the growing unrest among workers in Eastern Europe. It started as a demand for better working conditions but escalated into a political uprising as citizens and workers sought more freedom from the oppressive communist government. The violence that followed, with several deaths and arrests, reflected the harsh measures the government was willing to take to maintain control. The strike in Plovdiv and the events in Berlin in June 1953 were part of a larger pattern of dissatisfaction and unrest in communist countries during the early 1950s.

The Lovech Labour Camp The Camp of Death

The Establishment and Conditions at Lovech Labour Camp

The Lovech Labour Camp, often referred to as “The Camp of Death,” was established in 1959 in Bulgaria. It became notorious for its brutal conditions. The first group of 166 prisoners was transferred from the Belene Labour Camp to Lovech, where they were forced to work at a nearby stone quarry. The prisoners, including intellectuals and artists, were subjected to inhumane working conditions. They were forced to meet impossible labour quotas, and many were beaten to death in sadistic ways. Others died from torture, exhaustion, or systematic thrashing.

The camp became infamous for its harsh and cruel treatment of prisoners. The prisoners’ suffering was so intense that Lovech earned its reputation as a “death camp.” It was not just a place of forced labour, but a place where people faced constant fear of brutality and death Istanbul Day Trips.

The Role of General Mircho Spassov

In 1990, after the fall of the communist regime, General Mircho Spassov, who was once involved in the creation of the Lovech Labour Camp, confessed to the Prosecutor in the Labour Camps’ Case No. 4. He stated:

“We, members of the Politburo of the Central Committee and our Ministry, vigorously copied the Soviet comrades’ methods and drew from their experience. In 1959, I was the youngest Deputy Minister of the Ministry of the Interior and was assigned to set up the camp in Lovech.”

His admission showed that the Lovech Labour Camp was not an isolated incident but part of a larger system of repression inspired by the Soviet regime.

The Skravena Labour Camp

In the summer of 1961, a group of 300 women from the Lovech Labour Camp were transferred to another camp in Skravena, a town in the Botevgrad region. The women were subjected to the same harsh conditions as the men in Lovech. This move further illustrated the widespread nature of Bulgaria’s forced labour system during the communist era.

The Legacy of Political Prisoners in Communist Bulgaria

Alongside the labour camps, there were 22 jails across Bulgaria that also held political prisoners until the fall of the communist regime in 1989. These jails, much like the labour camps, were places of punishment for anyone who opposed the communist government.

Despite the suffering of these prisoners, no one was held accountable for the deaths, torture, and abuses that occurred in these camps. After the fall of the communist regime, those responsible for the camps were never punished.

The Case of Nadia Dunkin

One of the key witnesses of the labour camps’ atrocities was actress Nadia Dunkin, who had herself been a prisoner in one of the camps. Just before she was scheduled to testify in court about the horrors she had witnessed, she was found dead in her home. Her death remained suspicious, and the case was eventually closed in 2002 due to limitations.

Statistics of Prisoners Sentenced for Counter-Revolutionary Activities

By July 1956, there were thousands of people imprisoned for counter-revolutionary activities. The following table shows the breakdown of prisoners by social status:

Social Status Number of People % of All Sentenced

Poor and middle-class peasants 1,168 42.58%

Tradesmen 370 13.49%

Workers 357 13.01%

State employees 349 12.72%

Freelancers 175 6.38%

Kulaks 120 3.37%

Members of Collective Farms 100 3.65%

Students 67 2.44%

Unemployed 37 1.35%

Total 2,743 100%

These statistics show the widespread nature of political repression and the diverse social backgrounds of those who were imprisoned for their opposition to the government.

Political Prisoners with the Longest Sentences

Some of the political prisoners who served the longest sentences include:

Vasil Uzunov – 28 years

Ilija Minev – 27 years

Vasil Zlatarov – 20 years

These individuals were among the many who endured harsh treatment in the prisons and labour camps.

The Lovech Labour Camp and the broader system of political repression in communist Bulgaria were part of a widespread effort by the regime to silence and punish anyone who opposed its rule. The brutality faced by prisoners in these camps, including forced labour, torture, and execution, is a dark chapter in Bulgaria’s history. Unfortunately, many of those responsible for these crimes were never held accountable. The legacy of these camps continues to haunt the memories of the survivors and their families.

The Labour Camp System in Bulgaria

Overview of Labour Camps

After the establishment of the communist regime in Bulgaria in 1944, the country set up a system of labour camps to imprison political opponents, perceived enemies, and people seen as a threat to the regime. According to Peter Gogov, the chief of the Lovech Labour Camp, there were about 44 labour camps in Bulgaria between 1945 and 1962. However, other sources suggest that there were as many as 83 labour camps in total, spread across different locations, and operating for varying lengths of time during this period.

Some Notable Labour Camps in Bulgaria

Zeleni Dol (Blagoevgrad Region)

This was the first labour camp in Bulgaria after the communist takeover. It was established in September 1944, following the demand of the Soviet occupational forces. The camp housed 203 people, including German citizens and German women married to Bulgarians. The camp operated until December 1945 Istanbul Day Trips.

Sveti Vratch Station (Sandanski)

A labour camp was set up in January 1945 near the town of Sandanski. The camp held political prisoners and other people considered undesirable by the regime.

Kutziyan Mine (Pernik Region)

This camp operated from October 1945 until the end of 1949. It primarily housed counter-revolutionary Russians. In 1948, it also became the location for many supporters of Nikola Petkov’s Agrarian Party, which was seen as a political threat to the government.

“Black Sea” Mine (Bourgas)

Located near Bourgas, this camp was in operation from January to April 1945. It was another location used to imprison those deemed enemies of the state.

Bogdanov Dol (Pernik Region)

Operating from spring 1945 until 1951, this camp was situated in the Pernik region and was used to imprison individuals seen as a threat to the regime.

“Tolbukhin” Ore Mine

This was another mining camp, used during the period to imprison political prisoners and others opposing the regime.

Nikolaevo Mine (Stara Zagora Region)

This camp operated from 1948 until July 1949 in the Stara Zagora region. It was used to house various prisoners, particularly those seen as enemies of the communist government.

“Rositza” Dam

Located near a dam, this camp was active from October 1946 to 1948. It housed political prisoners and other undesirable elements.

Nozharevo (Silistra Region)

This camp operated from mid-1947 until mid-1952 in the Silistra region. It was used to imprison a wide range of political prisoners.

Boyana Village (Tutrakan Region)

A women’s camp was set up at Boyana village at the beginning of 1947. This camp was used to house women who were considered to be enemies of the state.

Veliko Tarnovo (Outskirts)

A women’s camp was also set up on the outskirts of Veliko Tarnovo in 1947, aimed at imprisoning women accused of anti-government activities.

Bosna Camp (Tutrakan Region)

Set up in 1947, this camp was located in the Tutrakan region, used for political opponents and others the regime wanted to suppress.

Boshuliya Camp (Pazardjik Region)

Operating from 1945 until 1949, the Boshuliya camp was another site for imprisoning political prisoners.

Belene (Danube River Islands)

Belene became one of the most infamous camps. It was established in April 1949 by a Council of Ministers’ decree. Located on several Danube river islands, it housed political opponents of the Communist Party. The first year saw 800 prisoners interned, and by 1953, the number had risen to 1,917 prisoners. They faced sentences ranging from 6 months to 7 years. The camp was closed temporarily from 5 September to 5 November 1956.

The establishment of these labour camps was a key part of the Bulgarian government’s strategy to suppress political dissent and maintain control over the population. Many of these camps were used to imprison individuals for simply opposing the Communist regime or for their perceived political views. The Belene camp, in particular, became a symbol of the oppressive nature of the communist government, with thousands of people suffering under brutal conditions. The legacy of these camps is a reminder of the harsh realities of life under communist rule in Bulgaria.

Dissolution of the Bulgarian National Company in NATO

During the years of détente, when tensions between East and West started to ease, representatives from the Eastern bloc consistently raised the issue of emigrant companies within NATO. These representatives insisted that these groups be dissolved. As part of the negotiations, the Bulgarian National Company, which had been formed by Bulgarian political emigrants and was part of NATO, was officially dissolved on June 3, 1964.

The Role of Emigrant Companies in NATO

The Bulgarian National Company was a group of emigrants who had fled Bulgaria during the communist regime. These emigrants had joined NATO forces in the hope of fighting against the spread of communism. They had been part of the larger resistance movement to overthrow the oppressive government in Bulgaria. However, as the political situation in Europe changed and the Soviet Union and NATO began engaging in talks to reduce tensions, the presence of these emigrant groups in NATO became a point of contention.

The Eastern bloc, led by the Soviet Union, pushed for the disbanding of these companies, viewing them as a threat to their interests. The dissolution of the Bulgarian National Company in 1964 marked a significant step in these diplomatic negotiations and the easing of Cold War tensions between East and West Istanbul Day Trips.

The Punitive Labour Camps in Bulgaria

Introduction to Labour Reformation Communes

The establishment of punitive labour camps in Bulgaria was a response to the increasing need for the government to control and punish political opponents. These camps, known as Labour Reformation Communes (LRC), were set up by the Bulgarian government to imprison individuals deemed dangerous to the state. The model for these camps was closely based on the GULAG system in the Soviet Union, which was notorious for its harsh conditions and forced labor.

The Formation of the Camps

On December 20, 1944, the Bulgarian Council of Ministers passed an ordinance that allowed for the creation of these labour camps. The ordinance contradicted Article 73 of the Bulgarian Constitution, which protected individual rights and freedoms. The new law specifically targeted politically dangerous individuals, including anyone who opposed the communist regime or was seen as a threat to the government’s control.

According to Article 1 of this ordinance, individuals considered a threat to national security and order could be forcibly sent to specialized labour camps. These camps were under the strict supervision of the People’s Militia, the official name of the civilian police forces. The government used these camps to detain anyone who was thought to be an enemy of the state, including political dissidents, intellectuals, and anyone suspected of being involved in resistance movements.

The Impact of the Camps

These labour camps were part of the broader repressive measures taken by the Bulgarian communist regime to silence opposition and maintain control over the population. Those who were sent to these camps faced harsh conditions, including forced labor, overcrowding, poor food, and physical abuse. Many individuals were detained without trial or were subjected to unfair trials. The aim was to break the spirit of political opponents and ensure that any form of dissent was eliminated.

While the labour camps were a tool for punishing political opposition, they also served as a reminder of the regime’s power and control. Those who survived these camps often faced lasting psychological and physical trauma, and many families were torn apart by the imprisonment of their loved ones.

The dissolution of the Bulgarian National Company in NATO and the establishment of punitive labour camps were both significant aspects of Bulgaria’s political landscape during the communist regime. The dissolution represented a shift in diplomatic relations during the Cold War, while the labour camps reflected the harsh repressive measures used by the government to maintain its hold on power. Both events are important in understanding the ways in which the Bulgarian communist regime sought to control both internal and external threats to its authority.

Bulgarian Political Emigration and Armed Resistance

The Bulgarian political emigration played an important role in the country’s armed resistance during the communist regime. Many Bulgarians who had escaped the country joined various exile groups that aimed to fight against the oppressive government and support the Goriyani movement, a major resistance group in Bulgaria.

Political Emigration’s Support for the Resistance

After the communist regime was established in Bulgaria, many Bulgarians fled the country and crossed the border illegally. These emigrants formed organizations that supported the Bulgarian resistance. In fact, official records from the State Security reveal that in 1955, 52 armed groups from abroad entered Bulgaria to join the Goriyani movement. These groups were organized by the Bulgarian National Committee, which was later renamed the Bulgarian Liberation Movement Private Bosphorus Tours.

Emigrant Organizations in Exile

A number of organizations were created by Bulgarian emigrants to assist the resistance movement. These organizations included a variety of groups with different focuses, all united by the goal of freeing Bulgaria from communist rule. Some of the key emigrant organizations were:

Bulgarian National Committee “Free and Independent Bulgaria”

Bulgarian Liberation Movement

“Free Bulgarians” Union

Bulgarian Human Rights League

Free Bulgarian Centre

Bulgarian Hearth

Provisional Bulgarian Mission

Union of the Bulgarian Anarchists Abroad

Bulgarian Organization “Tsar Simeon”

Bulgarian National Front “Freedom”

Bulgarian National Front “Struggle”

The Bulgarian Social Democratic Party in exile

Union of the Bulgarian Ex-Military in exile

Students’ Organization “Stefan Stambolov”

The Bulgarian Orthodox Church in exile

And many more

These groups organized protests, made connections with other international organizations, and coordinated efforts to weaken the communist regime inside Bulgaria.

The Bulgarian NATO Company

One of the most significant contributions of the Bulgarian political emigration was the formation of the first Bulgarian NATO company in 1951. This company was set up near Zeilsheim, a small town in Germany, not far from Frankfurt am Main. The company was made entirely of Bulgarian political emigrants who had escaped the country and were eager to fight against communism.

The soldiers in the company were all Bulgarians who had managed to escape the communist regime. They joined the company with the hope of defending the free world from the threat of communism, particularly from the Warsaw Pact, and contributing to the eventual liberation of Bulgaria from communist rule. Over the course of its 14 years of existence, about 2,500 Bulgarians joined this company, all committed to the cause of freedom and democracy.

The political emigration of Bulgarians played a crucial role in supporting the armed resistance against the communist regime. Many organizations were formed in exile to help with the resistance efforts, and the Bulgarian NATO company served as an example of the emigrants’ dedication to freeing their homeland. Despite the hardships faced by those who had escaped, they continued to fight for a free and independent Bulgaria.

Armed Goriyani Detachments

During the early years of communist rule in Bulgaria, several armed Goriyani detachments were formed to fight against the regime. These groups were part of the broader Goriyani resistance movement, which sought to oppose Soviet influence and the communist government. The detachments were mainly located in rural and mountainous regions, where they carried out guerilla warfare and received support from local communities. Below are some of the key Goriyani detachments that operated during the late 1940s and early 1950s:

1. Goriyani Detachment from Godech District (1947)

The Goriyani detachment from the Godech district was set up in 1947 under the leadership of Todor Dimitrov Filipov. This group was part of the larger resistance movement that aimed to fight against the communist regime and the forced collectivization of land.

2. Sixth Pirin Detachment (1947)

The Sixth Pirin Detachment was established at the beginning of 1947 under the leadership of Gerasim Todorov. To increase mobility, the detachment split into two smaller groups. The second detachment was led by Kiril Bengazov. After facing heavy resistance from government forces, the two detachments were eventually defeated. 84 of their members and supporters were arrested, and twelve of them were sentenced to death.

3. Pazardjik District Detachment (Until 1949)

The Pazardjik District Detachment was active until the end of 1949. It was part of a broader resistance network operating in southern Bulgaria, fighting against the communist government’s policies.

4. Pirin Mountain Detachments (1949)

In 1949, three Goriyani detachments were organized in the Pirin mountain region. These detachments were part of a larger effort to establish resistance groups in Bulgaria’s mountainous areas, where guerrilla warfare tactics could be more effectively used.

5. First Sliven Detachment (1950)

The First Sliven Detachment was a well-armed Goriyani group consisting of 28 people. It was led by Penyo Christov Michov and operated in the Sliven region. The detachment was destroyed in mid-November 1950 after facing heavy attacks from government forces.

6. Second Sliven Detachment (1951)

The Second Sliven Detachment was set up in April 1951 and led by Georgi Marinov Turpanov. The detachment grew to around 150 members, including several women. It was active in the Sliven Mountains, but government forces, including regular military troops and internal army units, were sent to the region to destroy the resistance. These forces were under the direct command of Anton Yugov, the Minister of the Interior.

7. Gorjanitcheta “Rilski Bojtzi” (1950)

The “Rilski Bojtzi” detachment was formed in 1950 under the leadership of Nikola Hajdutov. This detachment operated in the districts of Dupnitsa and Gorna Dzhumaya, fighting against the communist government’s policies.

8. Yambol District Detachment (1950)

A Goriyani detachment was formed in the Yambol district in the spring of 1950. The detachment operated in the region for several months, conducting resistance activities against the communist regime.

9. Ruse Detachment (1950)

The Ruse Detachment was created in September 1950 with just 8 members. The group grew to 40 members and gained significant support from local villages in the Ruse district. However, by May-June 1951, the detachment was destroyed by government forces Private Bosphorus Tours.

10. Rila Warriors (1950)

The “Rila Warriors” were established in 1950 under the leadership of Nikola Hajdutov. This detachment was active in the Dupnitsa and Gorna Dzhumaya regions, fighting against the communist government’s policies.

11. Stara Zagora Armed Detachment (1950-1951)

The Stara Zagora Armed Detachment was set up in October 1950. By the end of 1951, the detachment grew to 145 members. It operated in the Stara Zagora region and was part of the wider resistance movement.

12. Goriyani Bulgarian Resistance Movement (1951)

The Goriyani Bulgarian Resistance Movement was formed in early April 1951, mainly by students from Plovdiv. It was led by Petko Kidikov and had 46 members, including 3 women and several runaway soldiers. In August 1951, the group set up a second detachment under the leadership of Georgi Komitov.

The Goriyani detachments played a significant role in the Bulgarian resistance against the communist regime during the late 1940s and early 1950s. These armed groups, although small in size, carried out crucial resistance activities in various regions of the country. Despite facing brutal repression from the government, the Goriyani detachments remained a symbol of defiance and resilience in the fight for freedom.

Underground Resistance Groups in Bulgaria

Underground Resistance Groups in Bulgaria (1950-1951)
During the early years of communist rule in Bulgaria, many underground resistance organizations Underground Resistance Groups in Bulgaria (1950-1951)

During the early years of communist rule in Bulgaria, many underground resistance organizations were formed to oppose the regime. These groups were mainly made up of young people, students, farmers, and intellectuals who rejected the communist government and its policies. The organizations fought for freedom, independence, and democracy, aiming to end the dictatorship of the Communist Party. Below are some key underground organizations formed in the early 1950s:

Key Underground Organizations

Agrarian Youth Union (1950)

The Agrarian Youth Union was an underground organization created in Sofia in 1950. It aimed to fight against the communist regime and its policies, focusing on the rights of peasants and workers Private Bosphorus Tours.

Bulgarian Resistance Movement (1950)

This underground movement was set up in Sofia in 1950. It was formed to resist the oppressive rule of the communist government and to promote democratic values.

Underground Organization of Samokov (1950)

Formed in the autumn of 1950, this group was led by Kiril H. Besov, Atanas B. Batashki, and Vasil Mishev. With 68 members, the organization sought to take up arms and overthrow the regime.

“Call for Freedom” (1950)

A youth-based underground organization established in the summer of 1950 in the Ihtiman region. It was led by Slavcho Zashev, who was sentenced to death and executed by firing squad in 1952. His brother, Assen Zashev, was imprisoned for many years.

Youth Organization Against the Fatherland Front (1951)

This organization was formed in Sofia and Plovdiv in 1951. It aimed to challenge the communist-controlled Fatherland Front and its policies.

“Partisan Students” (1951)

Established in 1951 in Sofia, this group was made up of expelled students. They formed a resistance movement against the regime, demanding freedom of expression and an end to communist rule.

This underground organization was formed in the Plovdiv region in 1951. Its members were dedicated to fighting against the communist government and promoting Bulgarian identity and freedom.

The Goriyani Resistance Movement

The Goriyani Bulgarian Resistance Movement (1951)

On April 15, 1951, the Goriyani Bulgarian Resistance Movement was set up in Plovdiv. The group’s main objective was to train and support armed underground resistance groups. By the end of 1951, the organization had established four Goriyani detachments in the Kazanluk, Karlovo, Assenovgrad districts, and the Parvenets region near Plovdiv.

Role of Youth in Resistance

Many of the underground resistance groups were led by young people. They saw their struggle as a fight for freedom and democracy, not just for themselves but for future generations as well. They used various methods to resist the communist regime, including armed uprisings, underground publications, and radio broadcasts.

Resistance Through Radio

The Goriyani underground movement also used radio as a tool for spreading its message. They created a radio station that became the voice of the Bulgarian people’s resistance against the communist dictatorship. One of their broadcasts in May 1955 included a call for freedom and independence from the Bolshevik regime, urging the people of Bulgaria to continue the fight for democracy.

The underground resistance groups in Bulgaria during the 1950s were a significant part of the country’s struggle for freedom. These groups, formed mostly by ordinary citizens and led by young people, fought against the oppressive communist regime that was trying to control every aspect of life. Despite facing severe punishment, including executions and long prison sentences, their courage and determination helped keep the spirit of resistance alive in Bulgaria.